Ignacio Zuleta
11/22/2020 1:03 AM
Clarín.com
Economy
Updated 11/22/2020 3:40 PM
The Supreme Court of Justice will
not resolve the claim of the City government
until Congress legalizes the cut that the Nation made, by decree, to the funds of the Larreta administration.
The ruling party hastened the approval of the opinion of the bill that came from the Senate to narrow the field to the court.
The conflict repeats a familiar script
.
The Macri government gave the city funds from its coparticipation quota (the secondary “cup”) without taking them away from the provinces.
He did it for DNU, he asked Congress to ratify it, but this was never discussed.
As happened with other procedures that that government, it was not perfected by law.
Cambiemos was a minority and it is understandable that a measure that affected the distribution of funds did not advance.
Now Alberto Fernández, a new broom with another reason of State, takes them away, but he sent a bill to Congress that already has the sanction of the Senate and that can go to the Chamber of Deputies in the last session of the year, next week.
The Court will not move a single paper until Congress does not give the final word.
That
extends the time to respond to the CABA's claim
, which may lose importance if the cut now comes out by law.
In any case, it may be the reason for a new lawsuit before a court that took years to assemble the majority that resolved, in 2015, the first major conflict of fiscal federalism, which were the demands of San Luis, Santa Fe and Córdoba.
They had been in court for eight years - and a precautionary from Córdoba, four years.
The presumption that Larreta's demand for a precautionary measure would begin to circulate among the court ministers next week hastened the ruling party to screw the cut by law.
Federal cases are accumulated on the fourth floor of the Palace of Courts, seat of the Court.
After the order to open borders to Formosa, demands will arrive this week for La Pampa, San Luis, Santiago del Estero.
This malón of claims will be another opportunity for
the Court to show itself with a leading role that shields it from the other powers
, disarticulated by weakness.
Year-end rush for laws with first and last names
The end of the legislative year brought the Government out of the softness of virtual politics.
On Friday the deadline to rule on Congressional bills in committee to deal with them before the end of the extraordinary sessions expired, and now he showed the game that he cares about.
In Deputies it ruled the project that removes funds from the co-participation fee of the Nation to the Capital;
in the Senate, the cut to the 2/3 majority to approve the appointment and removal of the Attorney General.
Two laws with first and last names: Rodríguez Larreta is one, the other is Rafecas, which is what they call Alberto Fernández in Olivos.
The ruling party concentrates its strategy on the master plan that it has been carrying out since it took office:
demolishing the stronghold of the opposition of Together for Change, which is the administration in the federal district
.
This objective is a condition to thwart any attempt by that force to present battle in the next electoral turn.
Larreta is its main leader and behaves like a presidential candidate for 2023, defying any inclement weather - not climate, it is understood.
To corner it is to also do it on the trenches that the opposition maintains in the two houses of Congress, where it is a minority, but where it does not yield a single inch.
Disrupt any organic law that requires 2/3 of the votes in the Senate, and maintains resistance in the Deputies.
The proof is the law of the tax to the very rich in which Peronism obtained, with allies, 133 votes in favor, just 4 over the 129 of the quorum.
With these measurements the year began, and with them it ends.
A poor result, if compared to 2016, Macri's first year.
That government had managed to split Peronism in two in the Senate and three in the Deputies.
Larreta launches war economy
The pulse is manual.
Larreta refused to sign the Prosecutor IV consensus because they would force him to withdraw from the claim for those funds from the Court.
The reply of the governors in the requested one was completed with the treatment, last Friday, of the project that came from the Senate.
A way to narrow the range of possibilities to the Court, after it was learned that it
could suspend the cuts for a year and order everything to be renegotiated
.
The Court has it to the government of the jugular.
On Thursday he released the border to enter Formosa mounted by Gildo Insfrán, a strong man of Christianity.
Larreta responded with the same emphasis, with the sending on Friday of a 2021 budget project, "conditioned" on the response to his demand in Court.
The design of this project is that of a war economy, like that of Alfonsín in 1985, with threats of work cuts, reduction of garbage contracts and an increase in the Gross Income tax.
Without the funds cut, the management, he goes on to say, is impossible.
Hence the war program.
Larreta sought clarification in dialogue with Mass
a, who disregarded this express treatment.
"I didn't know anything, I'll find out."
Larreta knows that there is nothing that can go to a commission without the permission of the president of the chamber.
He spoke about this strategy in long dialogues with Macri, who lived under the harassment of Cristina's presidency for 8 years and was able to survive and win.
He also sought the design of a strategy in the camera with Mario Negri, with whom he spoke on Wednesday afternoon, for two hours, in a corner of the La Biela bar, which is already in full session in person.
Stability costs more than managing
A government is weak when it spends more energy in ensuring stability and keeping its ranks in check than in efforts to fulfill the mandate entrusted to it by society.
The three-headed government of the Frente de Todos
is more expensive in time and money inside than outside
.
Cosmic storms hit him - economic, political and health calamities - and the days go by in ordering the board to begin governing.
He has already spent one of the four years of the mandate assumed in December, in lining up the ducklings - another inhabitant of Creole political zoology, the walrus simile, would say - and not in taking his forces to the streets.
He won the elections by a wide margin, maintains his majorities in Congress and is assured of the administration of most of the territories.
But
the opposition drives him crazy to the point that it regulates his agenda
.
The pyrotechnic projects remain fallow - judicial reform, Vincentian nationalization, taxes and adjustment.
But on a daily basis he lives responding to blows, such as the transfers of the judges, the protocols for the legislative sessions and now the changes in institutional legality: suspension or not of the PASO, repeal of the veto to the indefinite re-elections of elective authorities in the district bigger the country, abortion, etc.
Consuelo: it is a weakness inherited from crises.
An effect, not a cause.
It is aggravated by
the schismatic air of Peronism
, definable as everything that, in politics, is divided by two.
He has not had a boss for 20 years - the last was Menem.
The government's responsibility is to do nothing to remedy this weakness, at least as remediable.
The ruling party in one of its best votes: it added 19 allies
The political confrontation and the dispute with the opposition is the only thing that justifies the effort that Peronism made to obtain 133 votes in the Deputies, and to approve the anti-rich law.
It is a project that is
difficult to apply due to the judicial reproaches that will be made against it
.
And even if it exceeded them, the amount of the collection does not change the luck of the government, sunk in deficit.
But it is interesting because of the point he makes of the opposition as a defender of the rich, a nickname that he succeeded in putting on the Macri administration.
On this occasion, the task of obtaining new adhesions was fruitful.
The best he had since he took office, for the treatment of conflictive projects like this one.
He added 19 votes to his own 114, including two radicals from Jujuy.
The support of those delegates of Gerardo Morales expresses the emphasis that the government placed on the proof of love: they do not earn a single peso for their province, as neither do those sent to vote by Juan Schiaretti.
What they
gain is the affection of the Nation for other endeavors
.
And the Nation not only ensures that approval.
It also breaks leaderships, such as the one that Morales could aspire to have among the radicals or Schiaretti among the Peronists.
It is the political outcome that matters, not the financial justification.
It is worth much more than the monies that can be raised.
It was a risky move, and that is why the project managers remained virtual: Máximo Kirchner, Cecilia Moreau, Sergio Massa for a good part of the session, acted from the screens.
The opposition highlighted this gesture in the speeches of each of its deputies, which began with the demand for face-to-face sessions now.
It puts into crisis the system of remote sessions, the last resort of what in the United States they call the "coronafelons", the politicians who take advantage of their privileges to use the disease as a resource.
Kicillof pulled, the opposition casts
The blocking of positions allows the opposition to
design a competitive campaign for the legislative renewal elections
in the district that matters most, Buenos Aires.
The Axel Kicillof administration has to ride internal fights between tribes of Peronism that pull it with
contrary and contradictory demands
.
The main one, that from above, the veto on the re-elections of the 96 mayors who fulfill the two terms of the law and the hundreds of councilors and school counselors who have the same inhibition be dismantled.
Why are they looking at Kicillof?
Because the repeal of that norm does not depend on the votes, something that would be impossible to achieve today in the legislature, where there is an arch that resists - massismo, cristinismo, vidalismo, champions of a wonderful youth that tries on the costumes of the Veterans of the Mausoleum group -.
It depends on
some judicial decision that can only be precipitated by governments to achieve magical rulings
.
Opposite, the opposition continues to show names for a VIP list of candidates for national deputies: María Vidal, Miguel Pichetto, Elisa Carrió, Emilio Monzó, Nicolás Massot, Jorge Triaca, Diego Santilli, Joaquín de la Torre.
Electoral package with patches: PASO and parlasures
The governor added emotion to
another debate that the government is trying to install
: the suspension of the PASO.
He joined the group of governors who have listened to Alberto and Santiago Cafiero's interest in opening the debate.
In this case, the project could be limited to suspending them in Buenos Aires, something in which Massismo has shown interest before now.
This current of opinion contrasts with the message that is filtered in the Senate about a negative opinion of Cristina.
The creation of the system was Néstor Kirchner, but it
never worked much for Peronism
, and she is willing to review it.
The suspension project dates from the very moment of Alberto's inauguration, although now the plague is used as a reason, and not just the previous argument, that they are useless and that they are very expensive.
On Alberto's desk there are many folders with the justifications to suspend them for this time, something that they will accept only in part in the opposition.
For example, parties that present unique lists should not be required to go to the polls.
Or allow in some districts to vote with a single ballot.
Alberto has until April 30 to call elections - 180 days before the October legislative elections - and there he will confirm or suspend the STEP.
For that date he has to decide whether he will call for elections to deputies for the Parlasur.
In 2019 they were not convened and the courts intimidated the government for not doing so.
It is difficult that, in the 2021 elections - in reality there are 24 elections in 24 districts, it is called to cover the seats of Parlasures, which are made considering the country as a single district.
What president would expose himself to a virtual plebiscite on his management?
The government's idea is to call them only in 2023, when there is a national election for president.
Which is also in a single district.
To cover the judicial reproach for not doing them in 2021, a law could give national legislators elected to their seats, representation in Parlasur.
A deputy or a senator was, in addition to being a representative in the chamber, the country's representative in the Mercosur legislature.
It was like this until 2015. Until now, those elected in 2015 remain in their seats by extension of their mandate until they are elected replacements.
There were no plenary sessions all this year.
The first will be on Monday 30 by zoom.
There will be another face-to-face in Montevideo on December 15, so that Oscar Laborde, from Argentina, will pass the presidency to Brazil
