Although Benjamin Netanyahu's trial has not yet begun, he has largely been decided. Netanyahu may come out on top not because he is necessarily immaculately clean - the repugnant gift affair, the shocking 2000 affair and the 4000 affair at least had a conflict of interest - but because of the unfortunate disintegration, which is happening before us, of the general lawsuit.

After all, the central purpose of prosecuting and punishing those convicted of criminal offenses is to denounce them in public and to deter others. "For the sake of being seen and seen," as the saying goes. But in Netanyahu's case, it is already clear that the prosecution will not achieve this goal, no matter what the verdict is. When it comes to popular perceptions of the public, one can already determine that the lawsuit has lost. And it lost because a quarter, or half, or even more of all Israeli citizens vote in confidence in Netanyahu, despite everything the prosecution says. You have no greater evidence of a collapse of trust.

She loses because the head, ie the Attorney General, is absorbing discriminations after another, in unnecessary mud battles. For the past week alone, Mandelblit has had to back him from refusing to appoint Dan Eldad to replace the state's attorney, and then regret repeating it. Mandelblit also recorded a resounding loss when the Knesset committee refused to remove MK Haim Katz's immunity. Then he criticized the High Court for concealing information on MK Hiba Yazbak's case. At the same time, the government ignored its "recommendations" not to raise the Falashmura And not to establish a DIP Testing Committee. It's hard to remember a time when the attorney general was weaker.

The State Attorney's Office is also crumbling. Instead of realizing that the system was running into an emergency, senior prosecutors quarreled with each other like children, including a boycott of "class queens" over who was appointed to head the system, Kerry Dan Eldad.

The ruins of the ruins left by Shai Nitzan nobody bother to rebuild. Past cases, such as rendering Ruth David's abuses, casting criticism on the prosecutor's office, silencing the Ashkenazi rape case, torpedoing Gal Hirsch's appointment, scandals at the Institute of Forensic Medicine and more, haunt the lawsuit. This all happens when the attorneys, namely officials we pay their salaries, wage war against Minister Eight as a religion and preside over their office. This is how those who pretend to be the flag bearers of the rule of law in Israel behave, and the person from the street wonders where to put the shame.
All of these are joined by the well-known weakness of the police, who has never won public trust, and the new revelations about the Crief-
Like the Orenstein-Nave window, which is now also gnawing at the margins of the black robes of the judges.
These shockwaves would not have shaken the magnitude of the figures at such high intensity, had the Judiciary not gone into war against the executive branch. The point-of-battle of the "law enforcement system" against Netanyahu, only added to the agenda's fundamental problems in the functioning that has to date been swept under the table. It may not be right, but it is.
The prosecution, then, has already lost, and when the lawsuit loses the defendant emerges victorious. And this is not necessarily good news for Israeli government. Ariel Kahana