The first section of a blue-and-white platform is precisely the one that is not written at all. The party carved out the Netanyahu disqualification as its first value, composed a long and detailed platform covering almost every area of ​​the state's conduct. But its campaign, since its establishment almost a year ago, deals with only one thing: Netanyahu. For them, the sun around them is all moving in circles, and the glue that connects its members, the connection between them was quite loose without it.

Looking at a blue-and-white platform at first glance seems like a serious and comprehensive document, but at second glance it is sufficient to state that the general and ambiguous wording is intended to give its heads a great deal of leeway as to their references to the various issues on the agenda. For example, Zvika Hauser, who opposes the two-state plan and supports the annexation of the Valley, is allowed to sit under the same political chapter with Yael German, who enthusiastically supports the establishment of another Arab state and offers some annexation with international agreement and diplomatic negotiations. Of them.

If Netanyahu is ignored, it turns out that white blue is a party that does not know which way to go, and the differences between Netanyahu and her actual actions are quite minor. Still, there are some differences, especially in the political sphere. Blue and White refuses to define itself as a left-wing party, but its political positions are more leftist than the Likud. Benny Gantz has often stated that he is in favor of applying sovereignty to Yishuv localities, but this must be done with broad international agreement, ie to move in more measured and thoughtful processes in the world and the Arab world. On economic and social issues there are almost no differences, despite the Likud's attempt to introduce Blue White as such, in support of the Histadrut's socialist policy, even with regard to security, differences are small, with Blue and White leaders attacking Netanyahu's policy in the Gaza Strip, but opposed the immediate occupation of the Gaza Strip and even the cessation of money transfer to Hamas.

The Likud Party has no platform. Netanyahu thought from the start that this was a redundant document, and that his actions and decisions were in fact the Likud's platform. In this context, it should be said that there is no Likud. There is Netanyahu. In 2009, when he thought it would be good to freeze construction in Judea and Samaria - his party poured in with him. A decade later, when he sought to apply sovereignty to them - his party would drift away with it. Any unpopular polarity would be there with him, standing alongside him and supporting him. After years of trying to challenge his leadership - he was defeated in the primaries and rushed to straighten a line - like the white and white, the Likud has no definite positions on religion and state, and as a ruling party its role is to bridge the other elements of the coalition that it is in essence.

The main differences between the right and the Likud are on the political issue. In processes such as correcting the status of the court, the right-wing party led by Bennett has led the Likud, but now the differences in these issues are minor. On the political issue, the gap remains that it is currently the only party in the Knesset that opposes the two-state program.

The work-bridge-Meretz bridge has given up the civilian flags that have characterized Meretz so far, and its focus is mainly on the economic and political issues. Amir Peretz, the party's chairman, offers a different economic direction compared to Netanyahu or Gantz, and is more inclined to the economic, socialist left of government centralization, price controls, and a strong governing hand to navigate market forces.

The ultra-Orthodox factions, Shas and Torah Judaism, focused their work plan on maintaining tradition, state of the nation, Shabbat, conversion, etc. The main innovation in their current plan is the unequivocal and unqualified affiliation with the right-wing camp and in support of Netanyahu and only as prime minister.

The joint Arab list also went through a version update in the last election, when it became clear to the chiefs that the civilian issues, welfare of the Arab public, the war on violence and more are equally important to the Arab public, and probably even more so, of the national and national issues they have been talking about all these years.