During the campaign, publicity headlines address the "sure-to-vote voters" and "the voters who may vote" • But near the election, the parties are investing in their supporters who have abstained from voting on the previous systems

• Netanyahu at an election conference

The most recent survey conducted by Prof. Yitzhak Katz of the "brainpower" for "Israel Today" and i24NEWS shows a tie 33 between the Likud and the blue, which most commentators deal with, but those who can read among the ranks of other findings in the same poll conclude There is no draw and equality here, but an easy advantage for white and blue for the Likud.

Experience in Israel shows that about 15% of voters only decide in the last two days who will vote. Our survey also looked at the "crispness index" - the degree of determination of voters to come to the polls and their confidence in their party. Our poll shows that only 67% of voters are confident they will vote, and there are differences between Likud fans and "just not Bibi" people.

The survey found that 35% of Netanyahu's supporters might stay home on election day, compared to 30% of Benny Gantz's supporters. The electoral implication is that if in the end there is equality between Likud and blue in the degree of crispness, then Likud will have two more seats than white. In other words, white blue now has an artificial "addition" of two mandates because many lyricists will not come to the polls. This figure should worry about the right-wing election headquarters, and the Likud in particular.

The situation in the right-wing party is more serious. Usually, the religious Zionist sector has higher than average voting percentages, but in the current election, this public is very low below average, with only 56% responding to polls that they are confident they will vote - probably because of a knitted leadership crisis. This makes the right block worse. Even in the Arab sector, the turnout is higher, standing at 61%. If this snapshot does not change on election day, the anomaly and these changes will still engage university researchers.

In political science, voters' resolve is divided into two parameters: actual voting and the heart's inclination. One division examines who supports us, who supports competitors against us, and who is swinging. The second division is called YNU (acronyms for Yes / No / Undecided) - who are sure voters, who will not vote - and who are indifferent and unsure whether to vote or not.

During the election campaign, publicity headlines address the categories of "swingers who are sure to vote" and "swingers who might vote." But these days, close to the election, parties are making the most of their efforts in their ideological supporters who have refrained from voting in the previous election campaigns. In a close race there is a very large weight for those "crisp" voters. The election headquarters have stopped investing in their supporters who will surely reach the polls themselves. Not even their opponents and those who do not vote. Too bad the effort. Everything now focuses only on crispy.

Therefore, the two most important questions in the last few days before the election are: Are you sure you will vote for the party you support, and are you sure you will go to the polls to vote.

The answers that Yitzhak Katz gives us cause for concern. That's why Netanyahu and his constituents should make a more serious and professional campaign to get crisp voters. In America, this activity is called GOTV, which is an acronym for Get Out The Voters. Jokingly 25 years ago, and took root in the political language).

Dr. Jacob Maor is a political consultant and author of "What We Learned from Arthur Finkelstein"