From an irrational boycott to a personal law initiative precisely in the days of the Corona crisis: To feel a democratic spirit, Israelis must turn to the United States. • And: after the election, which government is preferable at the moment?

• Someone must show responsibility and ensure a unity government

  Photo:

  Jonathan Zindel / Flash 90

Anyone who follows the Democratic Party internal elections can see one of the most sought-after interviewees on American television, veteran political strategist James Carville, with his favorite Southern accent. "Democracy and politics mean winning elections!" He kept shouting at the studios. That is to say, the heart of democracy is the election event. Not with us. In Israel, it is a democracy to file a petition with the High Court and criminalize politicians.

As usual, after a shock of about half a day, perhaps even less, people began a vigorous process of erasing the results and ignoring the mere election. On Wednesday morning, General Gamlane's French general order was issued: Netanyahu must not join a government led by the order that shakes the body of officers and commanders, generals and prisoners.

It was thought that in light of the right and Netanyahu's achievement, it would be easier to form a coalition this time. After all, the left only goes from defeat to defeat. It has only 40 seats today. 18-seater difference to the right. And so I tried to find out one of the most useful options in terms of Israeli society and politics, how realistic it is for Labor leaders to join the Netanyahu government.

The feeling was that trying to pass a law that would prevent Netanyahu from serving as prime minister is too absurd and extreme. This will lead to the Knesset explosion. And so the question remains who candidates to complete any majority of the coalition. Those who are well acquainted with the top of the job - a top of the race and branches, one should say - have argued that Amir Peretz has pledged to too many people not to join Netanyahu. This is despite the fact that the national interest, his party interest and his personal interest are also to join. It is worth mentioning Gabay's remorse for not joining the government in May 2019. Peretz can also assure himself of the presidency if he finds responsibility this time and joins a unity government.

Orly Levy seemed a natural candidate. They say there is a legal complication. But when you want, you can solve. And Itzik Shmuli, they say, is thinking about the primaries in the coming year. Strangely, primaries in a party that no longer exist, certainly not if the Labor Party joins an exercise aimed at igniting a civil war in Israel, Netanyahu's Preventive Law.

It will be said that entering the trio of labor - given that most of Michaeli will not join - means a certain economic price. Itzik Shmuli as minister of welfare will cost several billion. So does Orly Levy as Health Minister. And Amir Peretz? And yet, it will be well-being for the people of Israel. Before the elections, Amir Peretz sent many signals that he could surprise and go to the right-wing government. Orly Levy was quick to report to Gamlan's French chief of staff that she would not join the government.

And the truth is that the oligarchic left has taken over the media agenda this week. This is his expertise, and some politicians are already frightened. The order of the day also caused Gantz to wake up from his sleep, and he has been neglected for a long time since joining the government. Incredibly, the open document of Schocken in the French General Staff, fighting with the reins, is far more strategically important than any highly confidential document the enemy is capable of stealing from the General Staff's safe. The document must be more important than the election results. He uses the back of the joint list to determine the mood of the Israeli elite. Today, more than ever, it is an anti-democratic oligarchic elite. To feel a breeze of democracy, the antennae should be directed to the US. The voter's name is King.

The process of legal counter-revolution seems to be too long, and in the meantime, while connecting with Abu Mazen's emissaries, he is able to dictate the polarization to the people of Israel, while continuing to rule the country as he sees fit.

Reconciliation, even at a high price

There are many options for the government - the easiest is with Lieberman, the most moral is with Gantz

Israeli Arabs have become a block bloc on three strategic issues. In a given situation, they can decide who the prime minister will be; But even if they can't decide on this issue this time, they probably already have decided on the other two major issues the right has set as a goal: applying sovereignty in the Jordan Valley and the Trump program as a whole; And judicial system reforms.

This is one of the surprises of these elections - that Avigdor Lieberman did not fail completely but probably lost only one seat in the Knesset. He must choose between historic and national political achievement by joining the right-wing government and allowing the "small bargain" of applying sovereignty to other parts of Israel; Or continue vetoing large, important sections of the people.

The choice seems relatively easy. It is true that Lieberman's inclusion in a senior government position is a big problem. The man who sabotaged the Israeli political system should be out of line. But on the political issue, he can indeed help. It is highly doubtful that Lieberman will be a partner in changes in the justice system, the legislation required to restrain the Supreme Court, which they are rightly thinking about.

But if Lieberman doesn't, what about other Knesset members who follow him like ducks? They are afraid. This is the dominant motif in the Knesset today. Many of them are afraid. The Liberman people act as they are because they are full of fear, which is beyond moral media punishment.

Without Lieberman, a partial unity government can be formed with Benny Gantz. At the national level of reconciliation, this is the best option. Such a government could exercise some of the sovereignty clauses, it would compromise slightly on the issue of negotiations with Abu Mazen, but would give Gantz and his friends complete control of the judicial system and certainly a great deal of security. In both areas it is a high price to pay. But of course it is preferable to continue the neutralization of the political and democratic system. Two days after the election, he had already knocked a ticket at the Haaretz and Tibi police and others.

A government that relies on two or three individual Knesset members who will quit their parties and join the government can be a good deal - but only if it is at least one public figure. In 1977 such defection, as the media says, was none other than Moshe Dayan. He abandoned his ministry, the memorized array, in favor of the Foreign Minister's role in the Begin government. Although Begin did not depend on him at the coalition level. For him it was a significant reinforcement. Dayan provided a kind of internal and external legitimacy.

Deciding on defection candidates should be easy on the substance level. There is a security situation that may require a decision. There is a Trump program. And there is a need for an effective government to know how to deal with an expected economic slump in the world and the Corona epidemic. In the face of all these challenges, could the ridiculous misunderstanding surrounding Netanyahu's trial be a preventative consideration? It is not responsible.

So there was a sense that after the current round, Netanyahu would be easier to form a government. But both the High Court and President Rivlin work according to the French General Staff's directive and it is difficult to know - they may also feel like participating in the sabotage game.

What happened in the museum

The starting point for mobilizing the Likud area was in November 2019, in the Tel Aviv Museum Square

You look at right-wing activists, especially Likud activists, compared to blue-white and left-wing activists. Likud activists look different in their enthusiasm. In large part, they are recruited on their own behalf. There were several events that lifted the Likud wave. The first was the exciting, massive demonstration in the Tel Aviv Museum Square in November 2019. It also happened after a long week of heating at the Goren Square demonstrations in Petah Tikva.

Already then I have seen them, the same simple people, the same professionals and intelligence people who do not belong to the right class. They are also the people whom the media has not seen or counted. One can summarize the way they were looked at in the trial of Neri Birch: Most of them went to the Tel Aviv Museum for the first time in their lives.

Unbiased people could see what was there, but when there is voluntary blindness, not to say hysterical blindness, then these are always crazy about Betar fans Vigal Amir. She paid a heavy price for it.

But those who failed in these demonstrations became activists. They were not cannon meat operated by field contractors. They themselves found ways to stimulate the area and create a layer of activists who did not wait for Likud headquarters. They worked tirelessly on social media. They have reinforced potential voters who are ashamed to be identified or that the incessant media attack against Netanyahu and the right is undermining security. In the current round, alternative media outlets, including Facebook and other means of distribution, seem to have played a crucial role. Mainly by providing a different narrative and providing muted information under reset. In doing so, the public received a vaccine injection against the brainwashing of mainstream communications.

And here is the turning point in the election campaign. About two weeks before the elections, I met with a Likud activist I did not know. He presented me with a snapshot that reinforced my most pessimistic assessments of Likud and Prime Minister Netanyahu's situation. The assessment said that momentum gained by introducing the Trump plan in Washington diminished faster than expected. Afterwards, Netanyahu would win a big victory, but the media wall swallowed the huge benefits of the plan and began to deteriorate in the Likud state. failure.

The upheaval took place in a kind of digital bombing around the Fifth Dimension affair and Mandelblit-Ashkenazi transcripts. A chain reaction was created, an explosion of the reactor core. Benny Gantz looks groggy, leaning on the ropes when Jack London, or was it past boxer Yair Lapid, shouting from the front row near the scene: "Kill him, Bibi! Kill him." And my son was taken.

We forgot what politics is

On the Stalinist planet, an abyss can be bridged only if it is filled with corpses

Instead of enlisting for the establishment of a unity government quickly, Gantz was drafted into Netanyahu's law. Two out of every three Jews in the country voted in favor of the right-wing Netanyahu, but he thinks drafting the joint list for a move to accelerate the occupied civil war is the right thing. The mentality, for those who wonder about the phenomenon, is multidimensional - the haters of the settlers, the hatred of the right and the hatred of Netanyahu. All this is the legacy of the left, Mapai and the young guard.

One of the young guard's veterans is the investigator Moti Gilat. Following the shock over the right-wing victory, he stated that in Netanyahu's pocket there are automatically hundreds of thousands of voices of criminals with past criminal backgrounds, present or future offenders. In this definition, Stalinist racism. Racism because hundreds of thousands of offenders swear their identity as Mizrahim. Stalinism is the theory that population groups must be destroyed that interfere with the fulfillment of utopia. So he does not dare to go to extermination, but conceptually the elections do not count. A member of the same Stalinist star wrote in "The Weekly at Kibbutz Artzi" in the 1970s that the chasm separating the two camps can only be bridged if this chasm is filled with corpses.

The punishment of Israeli society is that the generation that knew how to make politics is the lifeblood of democracy in the world; His last remains are Netanyahu and Deri. Thus, Shimon Peres and Eric Sharon could join a single government of national responsibility in 2001 when the Labor party was larger than the Likud and Eric was prime minister. "But he called you a traitor," they argued against Peres. "But with Eric, corpses can be hidden inside the wall," replied Peres.