This week we received further proof of the dangerous imbalance between Israeli authorities. Two cases occurred on the same day: Sheffi Paz, one of the prominent activists in the struggle of the people of southern Tel Aviv, won a libel suit against a journalist who called it "neo-Nazi". But the judge ruled on the case he decided to hurt the compensation amounts Paz, because she made in her past criticism of "too offensive" to the Supreme Court. The implications of the judge's ruling is not necessary to guess sanctions on an audit of ordinary civil justice system is like a fine.

A few hours Then there was news of another investigation that was opened about Prime Minister Sara Netanyahu's wife, whose beneficiaries would probably know exactly how many investigations have been opened so far against the Netanyahu couple, but roughly speaking, the number has already reached 20, most of them ended in nothing.

Apparently, there is no connection between the two cases, but in practice the affinity becomes clearer: the judiciary is above criticism, while the executive head is under constant disruptive investigations. In Israel 2020, the notion that criticism of the judges or the judicial system is almost a theological sin. In fact, no official body criticizes these institutions, and when ordinary citizens do - it has a price.

And alongside its aphoric superiority, the judges are winning, a parallel process is taking place: Since 1996, there has been no head of its own in Israel that has not opened an investigation against him, with Netanyahu breaking the tables, leading the march and making new records.

One must not ask what the extent of this incessant harassment is, and what it does to the Prime Minister's function, one must not wonder aloud what the motives of one authority are to persecute those who head the other authority, and in fact it should not be characterized as persecution. The justice system has been able to identify itself with the crude and sacred core of the heart of democracy, so anyone who visits it dangerously shakes the ship where we all sail.

The ironic paradox of this value concept is crying out to heaven. It is very democratic to persecute those who represent the will of the majority - and in the same breath it is very undemocratic to criticize those who have never been elected by the public.

The increasing criminalization of the political system in Israel presents a new equation: the utter depravity of the majority's will as a democratic value, and at the same time a high quality handpiece that chooses himself and represents in his own eyes the essence of democracy, or as they themselves call it - "the essential democracy" - as a noble class visit.

Israeli democracy has succeeded in emptying itself of the marginal value called the will of the majority through a constant linkage of a cloud of corruption to whoever the people chose in the polls.

The reason why Netanyahu's shares are rising in the polls as public confidence in the judicial system plummets lies in one fact - the Israeli public has long recognized that the marked purpose of the judicial system is not the prime minister, but whoever elected him.