A reunion with the scent of honeymoon. But against the backdrop of multiple international crises. Belarus, Mali, tensions in the Mediterranean between Greece and Turkey (point on which Paris and Berlin appear less in phase)… There is no shortage of hot issues, while Angela Merkel is expected at Fort Brégançon (Var) on Thursday. The opportunity for the Franco-German couple to once again showcase their good understanding. He who, at the end of July, tore off a European agreement on the post-coronavirus recovery plan despite the hostility of certain countries. It is well worth another postcard, with the Big Blue for the horizon. Because between them, the agreement has not always been so perfect. Clément Beaune, new Secretary of State for European Affairs, was already Macron's Mr. Europe before his accession to the Elysee Palace. He returns for Le Parisien on this relationship which has known ups and downs.
Why receive Angela Merkel in Brégançon?
CLÉMENT BEAUNE . There is an obviously symbolic message on the Franco-German relationship and on the need for a real alignment between the two countries. This is the result of in-depth work, in which Emmanuel Macron invested himself even before being president, by meeting, when he was at Bercy or a candidate, trade unionists, ministers, presidents of Länder, party leaders.
And yet, during the first three years of the quinquennium, his efforts did not seem to pay off ...
Significant progress has already been made before the recovery plan, including on sensitive subjects, in particular on European defense cooperation or posted workers. There have been ups and downs. The President has sometimes expressed his impatience, including in front of the Chancellor. In Aachen in May 2018, for example, by encouraging Germany to change its outlook on France, to assume its responsibilities and to accelerate. He has always combined interpellation and cooperation.
Is Europe first and foremost a Franco-German duo?
It is a base. Without the foundation, you don't build the house. You never build without Germany, that's the base. There is never a big breakthrough without it. But that is not enough, a fortiori in a Europe of 27. You should not have only one interlocutor. You have to be influential in the European Parliament, in the Commission, in contact with the countries of the East, the Mediterranean, with the "frugal" ...
Some Franco-German couples have remained famous. What is the characteristic of it?
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The Franco-German relationship is a historical miracle that had no reason to exist. We have fought each other three times in 100 years. With Angela Merkel and Emmanuel Macron, there is a bit of that. One comes to power for the first time with a new movement, the other is in his fourth term, but it works. Today, the Macron-Merkel bond has become very strong. When the president and the chancellor meet, they have three, four, five hour talks, face to face, and they sweep up all subjects.
Do you consider that Angela Merkel, with the European recovery plan, rallied to the French positions?
Yes, Germany has moved towards our positions. But we did not go from shadow to light. For two years, they have been talking about it at each of their meetings. France, at the start of the Covid-19 crisis, assumed a disagreement with Germany on budgetary solidarity. We had to go through this moment of truth and tension.
Angela Merkel also had more freedom in Germany…
Yes, the Chancellor took advantage of her political capital to make a European gesture. I think she also appreciated that Emmanuel Macron was there, in times when she had less room for maneuver. As in the summer of 2018, for example, when there was strong tension over migration within his coalition. We met one Sunday in Brussels, during an extraordinary summit on immigration, in order to find a solution to support the Chancellor. In the personal relationship between two European leaders, it matters.
On the European level, it depends completely on it?
I reject this vision. But of course France cannot move forward alone. And Germany also needs France. Europe is a collective sport.
The French are preparing to experience a difficult comeback. How can the European recovery plan change their daily lives?
Concretely, this means that the achievements of the national recovery plan will be co-financed by Europe. Sometimes it is your railway line or your night train, the energy renovation of your home or the electric battery of your car. It will have to be explained, shown. Including very concretely, with a European flag, for example.
France wishes to make European funds conditional on respect for the rule of law, in particular in Poland and Hungary. How and when can this be effective?
A text is under discussion in the Council and the European Parliament, which allows, in the event of a serious violation of the rule of law, to suspend or cut the funds. I hope it will be successful next year. It will be a hard but essential political fight.
What about GAFA and carbon taxes?
The Commission must propose a text by the end of the year and that we have a legislative agreement by the French presidency of the EU in January 2022. It is the same logic: we are are in debt together, we finance our recovery together. We need to have common resources. And that we can make the stowaways of globalization, the digital giants or those who do not live up to our environmental requirements, pay taxes.
Facing Turkey, the President is a tone above the Chancellor. How can they converge on this file?
It will be part of their discussions, but I don't think there is a substantive difference. While there may be nuances of style or expression, there is a coordination of roles.
What can the EU do about the situation in Belarus?
Individual sanctions measures, aimed at personally hitting those responsible, can be effective. This is what the European Council has just decided. What is very important is to target and not to harm the Belarusian people themselves.
Can Europe weigh in against Putin's Russia? Alexandre Loukachenko claims his support.
You have to be careful, there is a lot of intoxication in these periods. It is therefore very important that the great European leaders, like the President of the Republic, intervene directly with President Putin to say: We want to work with Russia, do not make the wrong choice. Europe must not be slow, nor weak. It is sometimes a European evil ... However, we must defend European sovereignty and respond to those, sometimes Turkey or Russia, who test the unity, firmness and reaction capacity of the European Union.
Deadly attack in Niger, coup d'etat in Mali… Should Europeans become more involved with France in the Sahel?
Of course, Europe must do more. It is still insufficient, but look at the aggiornamento of Germany on its external interventions. Or the reinforcement of smaller countries that have sent fighting forces or equipment. It is sometimes too slow, we are aware of it. But many European countries have now understood that our security, in the broad sense, is also at stake there and that this is not only a French responsibility.
