10/10/2020 12:29
Clarín.com
World
Updated 10/10/2020 1:42 PM
What happens to Donald Trump?
The chaotic characteristics of the North American president have been a fact of his way of understanding power and his decision-making system.
But the current cycle is showing a more desperate twist in those ways, possibly fueled by a scenario that suggests that
the mogul's nationalist experience is hitting a limit.
That vision does not arise only from the Democratic opposition that, according to the polls -a space not necessarily one hundred percent reliable-, shows a distance with its adversary that, even with the margins of error that the polls showed in 2016,
would indicate difficult differences to go back.
Trump had problems with the campaign since its inception, to the point that he repeatedly revoked the specter of fraud to anticipate his ignorance of the results.
But those abysses were accelerated by his illness and particularly by the complacent ways he took in the face of that test.
The truth is that today it is not only about observing how the Democrats are doing, but stopping at
the tension that runs through the Republican space.
In the elections of November 3, the presidency is decided, but Deputies and a part of the Senate are also renewed.
The opposition controls the lower house since its broad victory achieved with votes from the political center, in the elections two years ago.
The risk for Republicans that this wave has intensified and they lose the Senate is a non-disposable alternative that is accelerated due to the president's actions.
For government legislators who must defend their banks in each of their states, it is an hour of risk.
Sticking the president could be ceasing to be a politically healthy idea.
In a recent analysis, journalist John Avion reveals that legendary Republican campaign strategist Ed Rollins, president of the
PAC Great America pro Donald Trump
(Political Action Committee), admitted that
"I'm afraid the race is over."
It is because of that perception that Rollins assumes that legislators who must defend their seats against the Democrats have to cut themselves by their own individual career.
"I would
definitely recommend that candidates defend their own re-election
, and when asked about President Trump, they should say 'I support him when it is in the interest of my state ?, North Carolina, Arizona, and oppose him when necessary."
"If it is not in the interest of our state," he advises, "to emphasize that my job is to support the people of our state."
One of the militiamen who organized the action against the governor of Michigan.
AFP
That climate anticipates that the president's thinly veiled intention to ignore the election results, as he reiterated in the chaotic debate with Joe Biden,
may find a wall in his own ranks
.
The climate of tension that surrounds what may happen with the ballot boxes had a circumstance
close to madness
a few days ago
.
It was when 13 supremacists armed as on a war mission were arrested after their plan to fuel a rebellion was foiled and prosecuted in a "public trial" and eventually assassinated the Democratic Governor of Michigan, Gretchen Whitmer, one of the persistent targets of
the campaign of contempt by the president against the opposition.
Those fans are marching on their own but encouraged by Trump's reluctance to condemn them.
A fact that was made even more evident by the president's reluctance to show solidarity with the threat suffered by the governor.
Joe Biden and a gesture in Las Vegas in honor of those killed by Covid AFP
On the contrary, in a later statement on television, he bitterly criticized the official "for complaining about the plot" and scolded her for keeping the state closed due to the unstoppable spread of the coronavirus.
Such lack of restraint may be the result of despair, the same sentiment albeit with a different orientation, affecting the president's own co-religionists forced to fight for their political careers with a backpack that may have become clearly uncomfortable as he now admits, worried, strategist Rollins.
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