Alcadio Oña
10/17/2020 6:12 PM
Clarín.com
Opinion
Updated 10/17/2020 7:09 PM
It was remarkable, when it comes to who it is, the way in which Cristina Kirchner benched days ago the broadside that senator Julio César Martínez fired at her, from Together for Change and for more radical data, during the debate on the so-called Law of the Economy of knowledge.
Nothing of any known outbursts or outbursts, the response of the Speaker of the House was a simple, almost sympathetic, although a little fake smile.
What follows is the strong and final stretch of the crossing, according to the Senate's stenographic version:
─Mr. Martínez, Julio
: Just as they use pragmatism in this session to wear the regulations, to make the Court say what you want it to say;
As well as they have used pragmatism also in this session to pocket the City of Buenos Aires and to achieve impunity - and they are doing it day by day in their permanent agenda of revenge, hatred and impunity - we ask that they now apply the pragmatism and put aside dogmatism.
Thank you very much..
─Mrs. President (Fernández de Kirchner)
: (Laughter).
Thank you senator.
The senator has the floor ...
It is worth clarifying that the dogmatism to which Martínez alludes refers to the cut in
tax benefits that Kirchnerism hastens
for companies that operate in the knowledge economy market and to specify, in addition, that Cristina came to challenge the senator twice for exceeding in the use of time and of achieving a double and resounding triumph over Juntos por el Cambio in the previous session.
Kindness aside, this data is projected onto a few things.
Without the presence of the opposition legislators, angered by an alleged violation of the regulation, the ruling party had just validated a decree of necessity and urgency by Alberto Fernández that is already in force, at a rate of about $ 150 million a day, and which is extended to 2021 allows
the
Autonomous
City to
hand over
around $ 50,000 million
and transfer it, by unilateral decision, to the province of Buenos Aires.
It is only part of the super package assigned to Axel Kicillof, although Cristina's double victory appears there, or there in principle.
That is, on the one hand, the financial situation of his political godson Kicillof and that of his great territorial support are strengthened, thinking about the elections next year, that is, taking care of his own capital and some personal issues above all.
On the other hand, in the same act a considerable hole is made in the CABA box and
Horacio Rodríguez Larreta is shaken, Cristina's last rival turned into a fixed idea
, a former friend of Alberto F. and a rising antagonist of the Frente of All.
Branded as unconstitutional and appealed by the Buenos Aires government, the measure must pass through the filters of the Chamber of Deputies and the Supreme Court before being riveted, let's say forever.
It may also happen that a dance performance of the bill voted by the Senate leaves a remainder to the national government.
It is clear that when the supposedly progressive story K talks about the opulence of Buenos Aires, the agapanthos and the hanging gardens, he olympically forgets La Boca, Parque Patricios and Villa Soldati, Nueva Pompeya, Villa Lugano and other neighborhoods that little o they are not opulent.
And if the story betrays any reference to the discretionary and arbitrary maneuvers of the central power, it cannot be asked to tell in which areas some Kirchnerists who become nouveau riche or rich under suspicion live.
But if the idea consists of connecting the $ 50,000 million that are going to be taken from the City with the certainly neglected, vulnerable inhabitants of the Province and especially the GBA, several private analyzes have recalled these days how much of the total tax share, automatic, it went there in the time of Nestor and Cristina.
It would be better to say how much I had stopped going there, in the time of Nestor and Cristina.
By the mid-1990s, the
Buenos Aires portion had reached 34% of the pie
, but it began to fall as of 2004 and with the Suburban Fund frozen, it reached a floor of 18% in 2014. Pure loss for the Province and its inhabitants during the decade gained and an experience that Daniel Scioli can speak about, who often
had to knock on the doors of La Rosada in search of resources
that he lacked or were deprived of to pay salaries or bonuses.
The key to this model long proven in Santa Cruz lay in an old formula where accumulating silver is equivalent to accumulating power and, subsequently, power to take political advantage of the needs that poorly distributed silver creates.
On a national scale, poorly distributed silver was (or is) that which may come from taxes that were not shared, starting with the very profitable withholdings in the field.
And taking political advantage means exploiting, for your own benefit, the consequent financial constraints of the governors and legislators of your space.
Cristina Fernandez Kirchner, president of the Senate.
The instrument of this
game of rewards and punishments
is known, in the jargon of specialists, under the name of discretionary transfers, that is, funds that the Government can handle outside the Budget to its liking and according to what is convenient in each circumstance .
They are used both to finance current expenses, generally salaries, and for investments in public works.
Predictable, seen as the hand comes, the big winner of the move today is Axel Kicillof.
Specialists' calculations made on the basis of official data reveal that, between January and September,
Buenos Aires received an impressive $ 126.3 billion
,
449% more
than in the same period last year and 292 percentage points above the provincial average of 157%.
Behind comes Tucumán, with an increase of
315%
, and then the always present in the lists of the Kirchnerist governments Santa Cruz, with
207%
.
And even though the package includes expenses derived from Covid-19, nothing dilutes the mountain of money that travels to La Plata.
And where do these resources come from?
They come up with a fiscal trap that Kirchnerism used piecemeal: underestimating inflation and thus inflate income that has not been budgeted and finally spend them as appropriate.
An advance:
the 2021 project contemplates an impossible inflation of 29%.
Another of a similar kind: the collections of the Country tax and the projected tax for large fortunes are not shared with the provinces.
They remain, whole, constant and sound, in the box of central power.
Saying Buenos Aires is saying cars and auto parts, petrochemicals, plastics and textiles: 22% of the country's industrial GDP and also sectors that work with 40, up to 60% of its idle production capacity.
That is to say, 31.7% of the national GDP and an economy that, according to the Government itself, would fall this year by a notable 12% It is to speak of a real unemployment close to or greater than 15% and of 5 million poor people, among other things .
The conclusion is sung: from this and from so many similar issues, it is not only with money from the Nation, no matter how much it is.
Nor, in a broader vision, appealing for everything and all the time to the litany of the macrista heritage.
Finally, since the PASO of August, fourteen months ago, Kirchnerism knew that it had to govern a complicated country from where you look at it and above with years of accumulated backwardness.
As much as it seeks to transfer, the Government is facing a non-transferable problem.
And the government is everything, with Alberto F. and Cristina K. inside.