Cristina Kirchner called for an "agreement" to solve the problems with the dollar and said that in the Government there are "officials who do not work"

10/26/2020 4:27 PM

• Clarín.com

• Politics

Updated 10/26/2020 4:30 PM

Cristina Kirchner made a

, called for a

and said that

He did so in a text that he posted on social networks to commemorate

which will be fulfilled tomorrow.

He titled it

This is the full text:

"As everyone knows, I do not attend public activities or tributes that have to do with that October 27. Perhaps it is an unconscious mechanism of non-acceptance in the face of the irreversible. I don't know ... You know that psychology is not my strong suit. But it also turns out that tomorrow also marks one year of the electoral triumph of the Frente de Todos. How incredible, isn't it? That the presidential election in which we won again coincided exactly with October 27. Licenses that history takes.

When Néstor assumed the presidency in 2003, the country had suffered, two years earlier, a crisis unprecedented until then.

I still remember that magnificent interview that Torcuato Di Tella gave him and that it was published as a book under the title "After the collapse."

Perfect metaphor.

On December 10, 2019, they had collapsed Argentina again, but nobody expected, could not even imagine, what was going to come just a few months later.

The brake on the economy and the general uncertainty about what will happen to our lives are overwhelming.

It is not explained in any book nor is there theory that solves it.

There are no solutions.

It is permanent trial and error.

Or rather: outbreak, contagion and go back again.

Here and everywhere.

Like this and all the time.

However, even in this context of uncertainty due to the global pandemic and almost a year in office, we can reach some certainties, at least in the field of politics.

FIRST CERTAINTY

For a long time it was argued that one of the central problems during my two terms as president were the forms: "does not listen", "is confrontational", "does not dialogue", "does not speak to journalists," does not answer questions.

I still remember a television program that put together a “chorus of journalists” who shouted “we want to ask”.

Of course, I never believed that was the problem.

As Máximo says and I told in Sincerely: “And what did you think?

What about the AFJP, the retentions, the YPF, free parity and lawsuits against humanity were free? "

However, not a few leaders in Peronism thought that indeed the problem was the forms and not the substance.

What's more, many also added the national channels and the characteristics of my rhetoric (to put it in an elegant way).

And the truth is that that was also one of the reasons that culminated in my decision of May 18, 2019. It is that in politics it is not only what one believes, but what the whole sees and interprets.

And it was essential to build a great political and social front that would make it possible to win the presidential elections with the conviction that a new mandate of the macrism would definitely destroy the possibility of an Argentine development model with social inclusion and reasonable autonomy.

On December 10, 2019, Alberto Fernández assumed as president of all Argentines and all Argentines.

He was Chief of Staff throughout Nestor's tenure and during the first months of my first term.

Then the story is known to everyone: he left the government and became a harsh critic of my administration.

It is fair to say, he was not the only one.

However, the Macrista experience in the government and the relationship of forces that emerged in Peronism after the 2017 parliamentary elections, imposed on us the historical responsibility, on those of us who expressed the popular will, to create the conditions so that on December 10 In 2019, a new Government will be born.

His personal characteristics and his political experience alongside Néstor, marked by dialogue with different sectors, by the search for consensus, by his intimate and authentic commitment to the rule of law -so violated during the macrismo-, his permanent contact with the the media whatever their orientation and finally their articulation with each and every one of the sectors of Peronism that, divided, had led us to electoral defeat;

They determined that together with me, as vice president, I would lead the formula of the Frente de Todos that triumphed in the elections of October 27, exactly one year ago.

Thus, in December of last year we took office after four years of Mauricio Macri's government and we again found ourselves with a new collapse.

Four years in which the country was again indebted to unsustainable limits, with the return of the IMF to Argentina, which added an additional 44 billion dollars to the private debt.

Four years of unpayable fees in public services, massive closure of SMEs, loss of salary and retirements, etc, etc, etc.

All of this is the result of applying the public policies that the economic and media power factors demanded during the 12 and a half years of our governments and that it was found, after Macri, only lead to generalized disaster.

But the worst was yet to come: in the first months of 2020 it became an unprecedented, unthinkable and unimaginable event.

It was not even a black swan, but an uncontrollable pandemic that will not have a channel - as we see it every day throughout the planet - until the emergence of a vaccine or a treatment.

In this framework of macrista collapse plus pandemic, those who devised, promoted and supported those policies, today mistreat a President who, beyond officials who do not work and beyond successes or mistakes, does not have any of the "defects" that they attributed to me and that according to not a few, were the central problems of my management.

The culminating point of this permanent and systematic mistreatment occurred a few days ago in a famous business meeting calling itself a place of ideas, in which while the President of the Nation was speaking, the concurrent businessmen attacked him simultaneously and they reproached, among other things, how much he talked.

First certainty: They punish the President as if he had the same forms that they criticized me so much for years.

At this point it is undeniable that, in reality, the problem was never the forms.

In reality, what they do not accept is that Peronism returned to the government and that the political and media commitment of a government of businessmen with Mauricio Macri at the head, failed.

The anti-Peronist prejudice is notable, especially in the Argentine business community.

Remarkable and also unintelligible if one looks at the results of the balance sheets of these companies during the management of the Peronist or Kirchnerist governments - as you like.

This prejudice does not find an explanation either from politics or economics, and at this point I allow myself to say that not even from psychology ... although I have already warned you that I do not know about that.

But there is no doubt that this incomprehensible attitude has been and is one of the greatest difficulties to permanently channel Argentina.

SECOND CERTAINTY

As they have run out of the excuse of the forms, they had to go on to a second script: "Alberto does not govern", "the one who decides everything is Cristina", "spiteful" and "vindictive", who only wants to solve their "judicial problems ”.

I must admit that they are not very creative.

The story of the "puppet President" was used with Nestor regarding Duhalde, with me regarding Nestor and, now, with Alberto regarding me.

After having served as the first magistracy for 2 consecutive periods and having accompanied Néstor during the 4 and a half years of his presidency, if something is clear to me, it is that the decision-making system in the Executive Branch makes it impossible for the President not to be the one who make government decisions.

It is the one that removes, puts or maintains officials.

It is the one that sets public policies.

You may or may not like who is in the Casa Rosada.

It can be Menem, De La Rúa, Duhalde or Kirchner.

But it is not in fact possible that the opinion of anyone other than the President prevails when making decisions.

As for "spiteful" and "vindictive."

We were never moved by resentment or revenge.

On the contrary, the historical responsibility and the political duty towards the people and the Homeland guided each and every one of our decisions and actions.

There is no more complete demonstration of this than having decided with the volume of our popular representation, to resign the first magistracy to build a political front with those who not only harshly criticized our years of management but even promised jail to the Kirchnerists in public events or wrote and they published books against me.

They will have to work hard to find similar examples in Argentine history.

Finally, that "he only wants to solve his judicial problems" (SIC), at this point is already unacceptable.

All we want is the proper functioning of the institutions and that the application of the National Constitution and the law be guaranteed to everyone equally, without double standards or privileges.

It is unavoidable to point out that they use the euphemism “judicial problems” to hide what they did in Argentina and in the region with the rule of law: they took it on to outlaw popular leaders.

With the articulation of sectors of the Judiciary, the hegemonic media and different agencies of the State, during the Macrista government an unprecedented persecution was perpetrated against me, my family and against many leaders of our political space.

Today the scandalous revelations and the discovery of evidence in the light of day, about the conduct of journalists, prosecutors, judges, intelligence agents, political leaders and even President Macri himself, personally involved in the espionage mechanisms, account for this. extortion and persecution.

Without going any further, look at Bolivia.

None other than the OAS led a coup d'état claiming that there had been fraud in the presidential elections last year.

The results of the recent elections in that sister country exempt me from further comment.

And then they say that Lawfare does not exist.

Second certainty: in Argentina the one who decides is the President.

You may or may not like what he decides, but the one who decides is him.

Nobody wants to convince you otherwise.

If someone tries to do it, ask what interests move him or her.

THIRD CERTAINTY

When I finished my term on December 10, 2015, Argentina was out of debt, the IMF to which we owed since 1957 was only a memory of those over 21 years of age, the repayments of the restructured debt in 2005 and 2010 were they were carried out normally and without recourse to new indebtedness and the maturity profile for subsequent years was more than sustainable.

Unemployment was 5.9%, wages and pensions - taken in dollars - were the highest in Latin America and pension coverage had far exceeded 90% of the population.

Inflation, measured by the Government of the City of Buenos Aires, did not exceed 25% per year.

However, the external restriction - read: shortage of dollars or excessive demand for said currency;

Depending on how you look at it, which appeared after having endured 6 exchange runs - the last one during 2011, in which I was elected President of the Nation for the second consecutive time - motivated the exchange regulation that the hegemonic media baptized "stocks".

Said regulation established a ceiling for the purchase of dollars for savings that was USD2,500 per month.

Yes, as it reads: USD2,500 per month.

If we analyze it with perspective, the restriction was not only reasonable, but also accounted for the level of purchasing power of certain wages of the time.

Many bought dollars and many bought the monthly cap.

Who could access that USD2,500 today to save month after month?

Almost nobody.

However, for having established this exchange restriction, our government was attacked every day by the hegemonic media.

A systematic attack that even included mobilizations called by the political opposition and fired by those same media.

Thus, on December 10, 2015 Mauricio Macri assumed as President of the Nation.

From then on, the policies of the Argentine Republic turned 180 degrees and a government management led by businessmen was inaugurated that accepted in its public policies each and every one of the demands of the different factors of economic power in Argentina, including its uncritical alignment on foreign policy.

As soon as he assumed, he released the capital account, eliminated the exchange regulation - he raised the "stocks" - and decided to open up imports indiscriminately, beginning the most vertiginous period of indebtedness in memory and which culminated in an unprecedented loan for Argentines and for the very IMF of 44 billion dollars, destined to finance the electoral campaign for the reelection of Mauricio Macri as president.

Macri ended his government with an unpayable debt, with the IMF installed again in our country, with unemployment hovering in the double digits, with salaries and pensions on the floor, with dollarized and unpayable rates and with inflation much higher than 50%.

However, despite the billions of dollars entering the country as debt, Macri had to reestablish the so-called exchange “stocks” but with a much greater restriction: only USD200 per month could be purchased for savings - less than 10% of those so questioned USD2,500.

After four years, the government of businessmen and the Argentine right-wing inflicted the problem of external restriction, by indebting Argentina as no one had ever done before.

Today, after the macrista collapse and in the middle of the pandemic, and despite not having immediate payment obligations in foreign currency thanks to the debt restructuring carried out by the Government, with a commercial surplus and a higher level of reserves in the BCRA than When my term ended, we continued with the external restriction of that currency -or there is a lack of dollars or there is too much demand- to which is added a more than evident devaluation extortion.

It is that Argentina is the only country with a bimonetary economy: the Argentine peso that the country issues for daily transactions and the US dollar that the country -obviously- does not issue is used, as savings currency and for certain transactions such as those that they take place in the real estate market.

Can anyone seriously think that the economy of a country can function normally in that way?

The problem of the bimonetary economy is not ideological.

It is neither from the left nor from the right.

Not even downtown.

And there is no more objective proof of this than the alternation of opposing political and economic models that took place on December 10, 2015. All governments have come across it.

Some of us try to manage it responsibly, taking the country out of debt within a framework of social inclusion and industrial development.

Others with an inverse orientation - such as Mauricio Macri's - have always “hit the carousel” with debt and flight.

But the truth is that this bimonetary operation is a structural problem of the Argentine economy.

It is not a question of class either: dollars are bought by both workers to save or to make a difference that improves wages, as well as entrepreneurs to pay for the imports necessary to run their business, to save and also, well that is to say, to escape by forming financial assets abroad, this last attitude being one of those that have contributed the most to the cyclical crises in Argentina.

Nor is it a product of the hyperinflationary experiences of Argentina.

A small video of a renowned comedian who has passed away, about the national passion for the dollar circulates on the networks.

The video dates from 1962: Arturo Illia had not assumed as President and Raúl Alfonsín would still be wearing shorts in Chascomús.

The alibi of the "hyper" to explain the problem is also insufficient.

It is enough to remember Perón Presidente in the 1950s asking: "Has anyone ever seen a dollar?"

Third certainty: Argentina is that strange place where all theories die.

For this reason, the problem of the bimonetary economy, which is undoubtedly the most serious that our country has, is impossible to solve without an agreement that encompasses all the political, economic, media and social sectors of the Argentine Republic.

Whether we like it or not, that is reality and with it you can do anything but ignore it.

On this October 27, I want to thank each one of the Argentine men and women, for the expressions of appreciation, affection and love towards whoever was my life partner.

And especially to Alberto, both for the decision to repatriate the bronze figure of Néstor that we once located at the UNASUR headquarters in Quito, there in the exact half of the world, as well as that of its new location in the hall of the Cultural Center Kirchner.

Honestly, it is a caress to the soul.

Nestor loved that place.

When we toured it together on May 24, 2010 in the framework of the Bicentennial celebrations to inaugurate the first part of the work that would culminate in the largest cultural center in Latin America, he told me that his father-whom he adored- He wore it every time he came to Buenos Aires.

It is that my children's grandfather was an employee of the Post Office, becoming its treasurer there in Santa Cruz.

Nestor told me that he showed him with pride the grandeur of the place, as if it were his own, a characteristic of the employees of the Argentine Post Office ... Pride of belonging.

As he told me his eyes glazed over, like every time he remembered his father.

Yeah, it's definitely a good place for him. "

News in development.