Santiago Fioriti
10/31/2020 21:32
Clarín.com
Politics
Updated 10/31/2020 9:32 PM
"This is not my government
."
The desire to write that phrase, perhaps, was not lacking.
It could have been interpreted as an act of cynicism, but if it is not what Cristina thinks, it is quite similar: it is what the camper congregation transmits that has access to their intimate thoughts.
The one who thinks she's on an altar and everything else is moving underneath.
Through that arid terrain it is necessary to trace the sense of reappearance.
Take off.
If this is not your government, it is not your crisis either
.
It would not be strange if some of the members of La Cámpora took care to make it clear in public.
It would only be a matter of time.
The one who governs today is Alberto Fernández.
The ministers that do not work are Alberto Fernández.
If there is not a great agreement with the different power actors, it is the responsibility of Alberto Fernández.
And, more importantly, if the crisis escalates - an inexorable fate for those who project the damage to the economy and the exchange rate gap - that no one ever looks to the Instituto Patria.
"Cristina is a shareholder," they
say around her.
A year after Kirchner's return to power, the differences between the President and the mentor of his candidacy are deepening.
In her letter, Cristina did nothing more than reflect what she had been saying in private.
The epistolary content ratified everything that critical journalism has written in recent months.
It is still surprising.
It was not, as the president usually says and those who prefer not to contrast their points of view repeat, that a dark interest wanted or wants to make them fight again.
If one minimally dives into the Christian universe, it is discovered that for one sector the chart was
even too elliptical.
It is not only the dollar or the inefficiency of the Cabinet that worries Cristina.
She also reproaches the Casa Rosada's lack of political doll and the lack of determination of some members (she uses another word) to "take charge."
The vice president declined to say categorically what she transmitted more than once in her meetings in Olivos.
That she is tired of being blamed for "everything bad."
It supposes that, when an initiative fails, from the presidential environment they let it be known that they are part of their whims.
Or that she puts obstacles.
With the letter, Cristina came to untie Alberto's hands and try to disarm part of that underground story.
Alberto Fernández, Sergio Massa and Vilma Ibarra, on Tuesday, on the way to the CCK for the tribute to Néstor Kirchner.
What does Alberto say about all this?
Little
.
He does not rule out tinkering with the Cabinet when the pandemic gives him respite, but it is impossible for him to do so in the short term after the intimation of his ally.
"We are moving forward. I am satisfied,
" he tells the ministers, "that they do not work."
He sought to give those collaborators some kind of containment in recent days.
One of them confessed that
"whatever we do, he will never want us on the other side
.
"
Fernández took several of those mentioned into the helicopter as a sign of confidence, and he tried to convey to others that the letter was not so bad for their administration because it gave them more autonomy.
"
You have a great opportunity,"
Sergio Massa sought to revive the President, whom he accompanied in the tribute to Néstor Kirchner.
For that reason, perhaps, that now his hands are less imprisoned to make agreements with sectors that Christianity never wanted.
The president of the Chamber works together with the Minister of the Interior, Eduardo "Wado" de Pedro, and the head of the lower house, Máximo Kirchner, to stimulate conversations with the
Red Circle
.
They also intensified talks with governors and the opposition.
For some leaders who last year had taken seriously that Alberto was going to govern with them, it is a film with a predictable end.
"They look for us when they are weak, they reject us when they are strong,"
according to the criteria of a president from the central zone of the country.
In the opposing ocean the letter stirred the waters.
"I was bombarded with calls to find out if they had summoned us to an agreement,"
said Mauricio Macri in a meeting with his main collaborators.
The former president, once again, is the one who has the least expectation with the supposed opening of the Government.
In a Twitter thread that his communication team monitored, he set conditions.
Patricia Bullrich joined.
For the former minister, Cristina launched a missile into her troops and it cannot be the opposition that comes out to put the body.
Miguel Pichetto asked not to turn the internal Peronism into a problem of Together for Change.
The crisis and the reappearance of the vice president originated unexpected movements in the opposition.
One of them: Bullrich and Elisa Carrió, the most intransigent women in the coalition, spoke again after a long time and when the relationship seemed broken.
They were once electoral partners to confront Kirchnerism and Macrism.
They saw each other frequently in Carrió's apartment in Barrio Norte.
When they fought they stopped talking.
Macri brought them together again in Cambiemos, although they never got along quite well.
When Macri left the Casa Rosada, they no longer spoke to each other and began to throw darts at each other in the media.
A long phone call started the reconciliation process
.
Carrió transmitted his fears to the power vacuum.
He told him that Cristina is hitting Fernández and that we shouldn't feed that fire.
Bullrich asked him his position on Daniel Rafecas.
Carrió has criticized it, but sees it as the lesser evil.
Horacio Rodríguez Larreta took that reasoning and also considers him a man of the system.
Diego Santilli, the Buenos Aires deputy chief, was the first to support the idea of the head of the Civic Coalition.
In the radicalism they reacted badly when they saw the photo of Larreta, Carrió and María Eugenia Vidal in Exaltación de la Cruz.
But then they loosened.
However, there are those who warn that there is a danger of falling into a trap and supporting a statement that was previously held back by Christianity.
Maximiliano Ferraro, Maricel Etchecoin, María Eugenia Vidal, Elisa Carrió and Horacio Rodríguez Larreta, at Carrió's house in Exaltación de la Cruz.
Larreta and Carrió agree that, if Rafecas is not the next Attorney,
Cristina will prevail over Alberto and propose a fanatic
.
In that supposed list they glimpse three names: Indiana Garzón, the current coordinating prosecutor of Santiago del Estero;
Graciana Peñafort, the Director of Legal Affairs of the Senate;
and Maximiliano Rusconi, Cristina's own lawyer.
The opposition maintains that the appointment of the Attorney General is key to the judicial future of the Kirchner family.
The former president's obsession continues to be the journey that awaits her in the Courts.
The corruption fronts, even with certain improvements, are still there.
And next year there are elections.
Cristina believed that by this stage of events her pending issues with the Justice would be more relieved.
At the Olivos residence, from time to time, they attribute their oscillating actions and critical behavior towards Alberto to that concern.
Months ago, an albertist assigned him a pejorative nickname that he only uses when he speaks confidently and feels safe from intrusive glances.
In recent days it has been heard again.
The nickname comes from Disney and belongs to a character who had a pure heart but who, out of revenge, turned it into a stone.
Angelina Jolie played him in the movies.
Only that the albertists added the article to its original name.
They call her "The Maleficent".
