Disassembly and reassembly Netanyahu-style: The right-wing camp is engineered and the left is ground to a pulp • Even if the Likud does not win an electoral gain - the damage to opponents has already been done • Interpretation
Prime Minister Ehud Barak was said to be good at dismantling.
He usually dismantled the branch on which he sat - his party and his camp.
Netanyahu, it turns out, is also good at dismantling.
But unlike Barak, he specialized in dismantling others.
In every election campaign, the prime minister tries to engineer the right-wing camp and finely grind his opponents on the left.
It does not always work perfectly.
This time, it seems, he is closer to success than ever.
Netanyahu: "Ganz folded in front of Nissenkorn, which imposes a dictatorship of officials" // Photo: From Benjamin Netanyahu's Facebook page
After dismantling Blue and White, and the rest of the left-wing bloc disbanded on its own, Netanyahu embarked on two burning political missions, even before the closing of the lists, vaccines and the new peace agreement on the way: dismantling the joint list and, in contrast, dismantling the right.
In both cases the task is not yet complete, but the process is already deep in progress.
Yesterday, too, the prime minister met, with zoom, with the heads of Arab authorities.
Yesterday, as in previous times, the meeting was accompanied by a heated debate within the sector, whether to cooperate with Netanyahu or to boycott him for his actions and statements.
Meanwhile, honesty advocates for a dialogue with the prime minister are creating legitimacy for those who were just a few months ago an illegitimate figure, tearing the joint list to pieces.
If only in the last election the Israeli Arabs flocked en masse to chain the note of the United Arab List, today the hymns are mostly of criticism and disappointment.
Arab Knesset members see the sights, hear the voices, understand well what Netanyahu is doing to them, but are silenced and helpless.
The attacks on him and the denial of legitimacy to the dialogue with him only encourage their opponents.
The motivation of the Arab population to support the sectoral list has crashed, and this is very evident in the polls, which lower it by about a third of its current power.
Even if three Likud seats do not pass, as Netanyahu claims, he will already be able to do the damage anyway.
Following the retirement of Rabbi Rafi Peretz, members of the Jewish Home Center will elect their next leader tomorrow.
The previous time Netanyahu tried to persuade Naftali Bennett to bring in Itamar Ben Gvir so as not to lose a voice, and this time too he finds himself in a similar film, with the target of persuasion being Bezalel Smutrich, who has apparently finally decided to face it alone.
Netanyahu is taking a risk
In an instant, the internal elections of the dying religious Zionist party became more relevant than ever.
The identity of the winner may determine the direction of the party, and of the entire right-wing camp: a united race with the right, or a split run, which may increase the chances of reaching 61 to the right-wing camp, but also carries the risk of not passing one of them.
Netanyahu is ready to take the risk.
Without it the chance of achieving 61 is almost impossible.
Netanyahu's default is a large Likud and a parallel party from the left bloc.
This is how he is used to creating the tension that encourages right-wingers to vote for the Likud, at the expense of the other parties.
In the election this time it is not certain if there will be such a party.
Therefore, the strategy may be different: a large Likud and many small and medium-sized parties around it.
In the bloc division it does not matter much, but for a small party it will be easier to switch sides and join the government, than to drag in further elections and be finally wiped out.
From the top of the 16 seats, Gideon Saar, for example, can lament the formation of a government and the total refusal to join Netanyahu.
If he finishes at five-six - he will have to recalculate a route.
