At the end of the 1970s, the Spanish political scientist Juan Linz set out to investigate the relationship between presidentialism and democracy.
His work, the now classic Presidentialism versus Parliamentarism, stimulated a myriad of studies on Latin American political institutions.
To the point that today we have more than 40 years of accumulated knowledge about how the government works in this part of the world thanks to the contribution, among others, of American specialists (Scott Mainwaring, Mark P. Jones), Brazilians (Magna Inácio, Octavio Amorim Neto), Uruguayans (Daniel Chasquetti), Norwegians (Leiv Marsteintredet) and Argentines (Mariana Llanos, Aníbal Pérez-Liñán and Mario Serrafero).
The elementary decalogue that follows is based on that pile of research, although it exempts it from all error and responsibility.
And he is selflessly dedicated to new neighborhood presidents, especially the outsiders in the legislative minority.
Why them?
Because his combination of political inexperience and scarcity of seats makes noise for democracy.
Because those who are professional politicians already know what it is about.
And those who want to destroy democracy or have already destroyed it, as in Venezuela, Nicaragua and El Salvador, do not have the patience to count to ten.
1. Presidentialism is an American invention patented in Philadelphia in 1787. Plans and manual for the prototype can be consulted in The Federalist, a six-hand work by Hamilton, Madison and Jay.
It is a government model to prevent tyranny.
It provides, among other arrangements, for separation between the executive, legislative, and judicial branches and an ingenious array of checks and balances.
But for the machine to work you have to follow the instructions well: the gears only move with the fuel of will.
If the Presidency and Congress do not cooperate, there is no mechanical service that is worth it.
2. In the United States, presidentialism works because it is historically coupled to a system of two flexible parties and a large budget in which representatives plunder public works or subsidies for their districts in exchange for raising their hands in the Capitol.
What they call pork barrel in the slang.
If there are more than two parties in Congress and there is no money, you are in Latin America.
3. Latin American presidentialism is a tweaked version: it comes with reinforced executive power.
Because Bolívar, Alberdi and other engineers did not fear tyranny but anarchy.
So, President, it is not advisable to invoke it.
4. A Latin American president in a minority in Congress does not have a reserved diagnosis.
He can govern if he builds a coalition.
Which consists of asking foreign parliamentary blocs for support for their own bills in exchange for positions in the cabinet.
The Executive grants ministries, but manages to promote its political agenda, overcomes legislative obstacles, and continues to have a chance of approving – although modified – more initiatives of its authorship.
Everyone wins.
Negotiating works.
See Chile and Uruguay.
5. Even if they don't like it, the parties still matter.
Lucky outsiders don't need them to win, but they do need them to rule.
Or, at least, to last.
Because a president without a third of his own legislators is like a sleepy crocodile: he blinks and goes to the portfolio.
For more details, see point 10.
6. Institutional populism does not pay.
Qualunquista electoral reforms break up and personalize the parties.
And if these are no longer programmatic, it is advisable that they at least remain few and disciplined.
Because dealing with self-employed parliamentarians is more uncertain, slower and more expensive.
7. If you are president of Mexico or Chile, skip this point and go to the next.
A vice president can impiore, resign, conspire or break a tie (against).
None of this benefits his management.
Better not to give him reasons.
8. The dream of every outsider president, to govern without politics or politicians, only with technicians, family and friends, lasts for a honeymoon or as long as the money flows.
If he first announces that “there is no money,” then he does not complain about the tyranny of the calendar.
9. The presidential temptation to dictate with decrees is always strong.
But it must be controlled.
Especially if there is not or does not want to form a similar legislative majority.
Provoking congressmen with plebiscites or accusing them of bribery does not usually end in a happy ending.
Demand extraordinary powers from them while blaming them for all the country's ills, neither.
See Peru or Ecuador.
10. Although with blows, Latin America learned to dispatch presidents without destroying democracy.
Impeachment or impeachment is usually activated when inflation, street protests, corruption scandals that go viral in the media and networks, journalists who investigate, and presidents in a legislative minority who abuse power are combined.
Save this checklist and review it before every cabinet meeting and every national network announcement.
“I was elected to lead, not to read,” says President Arnold Schwarzenegger in The Simpsons movie.
But please, President, take a few minutes and read this decalogue.
And if he doesn't do it...God, the country and Juan Linz demand it from him.