Focus on climate crisis
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Reporting on climate change is one of the major journalistic challenges of our time. The climate crisis is also one of the most important issues of humanity for SPIEGEL. For this reason, we support an international initiative that seeks to take a look this week: "Covering Climate Now" has been initiated by the Columbia Journalism Review and the Canadian newspaper "The Nation", with more than 200 media companies worldwide including the Guardian, El País, La Repubblica, The Times of India, Bloomberg or Vanity Fair. SPIEGEL is dedicating the cover story of the current issue to the climate crisis this week and every day pays special attention to mirror.de
Politicians missed an opportunity: they could have served the climate and citizens equally with a package of measures and made themselves superfluous for climate protection.
How to do that? If Germany is to reduce its CO2 emissions radically in the long term, business and consumers need a binding framework that makes them aware of the climate cost of their behavior in every decision - so that they do not always have to think about it.
The SPD and the Union have recognized correctly that the CO2 price is the best way to get there: We emit too much greenhouse gas because we can not (directly) see the damage, we can not assign it and nobody can be held responsible.
Video: Chancellor Merkel defends action package
Kay Nietfeld & / DPA
The key concept is steering effect: A higher load directs individual behavior toward climate protection. A carbon price changes the framework for climate-related decisions that millions of citizens have to make every day. Bring children to school by car - or is it possible to cycle by bike, despite the drizzle? Dream house building in the countryside - or stay in the smaller apartment in the city?
These are all decisions that can hurt individually because they are connected with models of life, sometimes with considerable costs. The introduction and operation of a CO2 price system are therefore always vulnerable to clientele policy: Almost every politician is tempted to mobilize support in the short term with the promise to relieve commuters / families / home builders.
Therefore, it would have been good if the Grand Coalition had not only decided on mechanisms for more climate protection, but at the same time withdrew them as much as possible from their own access and the subsequent governments.
"There are no jobs on a dead planet"
"You die of old age, I'm dying of climate change": With apocalyptic messages and tens of thousands, young people in Australia have launched the global action day "Global Strike 4 Climate".
A key demand from protesters in Sydney and organizers in 110 other Australian locations: No further carbon dioxide emissions from 2030 onwards. The goal is to slow down the global warming caused by humanity.
Opponents of climate change measures in business and politics argue that stricter emission reduction measures would jeopardize jobs. This poster is addressed to them: "There are no jobs on a dead planet."
Also a common slogan that this girl holds up in Sydney: "There is no planet B."
The Climate Cabinet of the Federal Government, which is fighting for Germany's contribution to climate protection, is currently meeting in Berlin.
On Friday afternoon, the measures should be presented. Thousands of people gathered around the Brandenburg Gate before.
Worldwide, the youth movement "Fridays for Future" is expecting several hundred thousand participants in the demos. This snapshot from the morning shows: In addition to Sydney went in the Czech capital of Prague people on the street.
In Frankfurt am Main, activists blocked traffic on Baseler Platz. A protester aimed his green poster directly at the drivers.
In total, actions were planned in more than 150 countries, including the Brandenburg Gate and the Berlin government district.
A bicycle parade made for long traffic jams in the morning in the center of Berlin. "System change", demanded its participants.
Also in Thailand, demonstrators followed the call for global climate strike.
This young participant in a demo in the Indian city of New Delhi made it clear: "I stand up for what I stand for."
In Helsinki, this protester warned that the climate crisis can not be tackled tomorrow, because time is running out for mankind.
Icon of many young climate protectors like here in London is the pupil Greta Thunberg, who went on strike for weeks in front of the Swedish parliament, thus initiating a worldwide movement.
Wuff, wuff, even this dog is the climate at heart. The animal showed up during the Hamburg demonstration in the city center with this little poster around its neck.
In Turkey, too, people took to the streets - as here in Istanbul.
The "Fridays for Future" movement, which was mainly supported by students and students, was for the first time supported on a large scale by organizations and initiatives. The picture shows demonstrators in Frankfurt am Main.
Protests by climateists also took place in Brussels.
And in India, schoolchildren left their classrooms to strike for more climate protection.
With the now adopted key issues paper, the SPD and the Union demonstrate the exact opposite. From each section one can read out the naked fear of the voter and a German yellow-west movement.
The result is a largely useless measure of inaction: each party, each department has contributed something to the 54 billion euro projects. Their mention is good at campaigning events, but their benefits to the climate have yet to be proven. The CSU, for example, was allowed to bring in at least one million electric charging stations, although nobody knows when and who will need exactly how many charging stations.
When asked about the system of carbon pricing, the Union prevailed with its favorite, a trading system for emission rights. That's a good thing in principle: Politicians issue a (ever decreasing) amount of CO2 pollution rights every year, companies have to bid on them. If they need many of these licenses, the price rises - and thus the incentive for everyone to look for ways to save emissions.
However, the negotiators have made with astounding thoroughness to rob the emissions trading of all its strengths. The CDU and CSU have previously promoted the model because it allows for a binding amount of CO2 emissions.
More about the climate crisis
Unfortunately, the key issues paper now states that the coalition wants to control everything and also set prices for years to come. Both - controlling CO2 volumes and prices - but not at the same time, if the emission rights are to be traded freely.
Once again, the planned economic guidelines stipulate which companies and sectors are allowed to emit certain quantities of CO2 at fixed prices. Instead, certificates are to be purchased from other EU countries. Germany thus pays other countries for climate protection, which it may not expect its own economy.
The emissions certificates should start in 2021 anyway, at a knockout price of just ten euros the ton. That would be justifiable, would be followed by determined increases. The opposite is the case: very cautiously, it should precede five years in five-euro steps. Germany would only reach a price level for CO2 in 2025, for example, when Switzerland exceeded its CO2 tax in 2010.
Starting in 2026, it says in the cornerstones, "the certificate price basically forms on the market". Well, a bit: Higher than 60 euros the ton the CO2 price may not increase according to the will of the negotiators (the rate in Switzerland is currently at about the equivalent of 90 euros).
More about the climate crisis
But the coalition does not just want to collect a maximum cap. Also introduced is a minimum price: less than 35 € the price should not decrease. Thus, Union and SPD are using a security mechanism to conceal their failure. Because in certificate trading, there can only be one reason why prices are too low: If politics pampers companies with too many emission certificates. That was also the problem with the introduction of European emissions trading in 2005.
It is also absurd how the coalition undermines its own traffic regulations. The CO2 prices will cause the liter prices of diesel and gasoline to rise, first by about three cents, from 2026 onwards to nine to 15 cents. Driving is more expensive, is the signal. But the Groko would not be herself if she did not immediately reverse her own action: the commuter tax allowance will be increased by five cents per kilometer.
So the Union and the SPD are only spending money to introduce a mechanism for emissions trading that makes driving a car more expensive. Then they take even more money into their hands to make driving cheaper again. If one still wants to speak here of steering effect, then it resembles that of a drunk, who rips the control of his car first to the right and then to the left.
Anyone who has been looking for a reason why Germany's emissions in traffic have not declined for decades: Here it is.
