Demonstrations in Jerusalem (Or Adar, Regavim movement)
In June of last year, Itamar Meiri published an article in Kan News entitled 'Why protests in Israel fail', and made a comparison to protests in the world whose basis was mainly economic.
France is a prominent example, as its residents are ready to take to the streets if they raise the price of their baguette in cents, and went to dozens of protests of various shades and, for the most part, they also had the upper hand.
Danny Filk, a lecturer in politics and government at Ben Gurion University, argued in an article that protests are part of the French national identity that is still committed to the principles of the French Revolution, especially the principle of equality.
Also from Latin America, examples were brought from Chile, Colombia and Ecuador, of citizens who left their comfort zone and washed the streets spontaneously without political organization because someone moved their cheese.
The fuel prices fueled many of the riots, which were characterized by determination and belief in the cause, and there was violence as well, because these people, who also live in corrupt countries, in unstable conditions, no longer had anything to lose.
In Kazakhstan, on January 22, riots broke out on economic grounds that caused the government to resign, in Lebanon we saw protests on the grounds of the economic situation and so did in India.
And in Israel?
Somewhere in 2011, the citizens tried the popular protest model, hundreds of thousands took to the streets due to the high cost of living, but a few weeks later, the flames died down.
The Netanyahu government, in changing its mantle, established committees,
made promises and a dozen years later it seems that that protest did not leave a significant mark.
The people moved on.
The biggest success of the State Place protest (photo: Roni Kanfo)
Three months ago something happened in Israel.
The largest popular uprising in the history of the country has left the station, and the end is not yet in sight, regardless of the new promises of the government.
The conclusions from that important article, according to which the Israelis are willing to absorb a lot and remain indifferent, and that there is no solidarity between the various sectors, no longer stand the test of the current reality, and with the exception of one aspect, which I will also get to, something bigger happened.
Overnight, a civil mass erupted that refuses to fade away, and by the power of inertia gathers additional power, does not give up, despair or throw up its hands, does not bow down to the tsunami and above all is not ready to absorb more.
Before our eyes, the opposite process is happening.
The struggle is intensifying, the centers of protest are expanding and even the messages are changing in a frenzied transformation.
What began as active opposition to the emerging dictatorship, evolved into a demand for a constitution that anchors rights, the need for equality in the burden, to address the cost of living, to improve education, health, welfare, personal security, governance and more.
In this equation, one variable was conspicuous by its absence concerning the trade unions that until last night had not joined the wave, and Filak claimed at the time that they prefer to stay within themselves and are not inclined to join broad demands from the government.
But the members of the unions are already deep in protest, like the educators, so the horses have left the stables, and the jockeys?
They were left behind until last night, and following the straw that broke the country, they announced in a dramatic step, about joining the protest and turned the equation upside down.
But what is fundamentally important in the popular protest wave is its loyalty to itself and its path.
There is no political body behind it, but a collection of organizations with different motives and agendas that act like several heads to a dragon.
Since joining the resistance table they are timed and synchronized and create a positive reaction.
From a connection between values, a rare collaboration is created that makes the protest what it is - cohesive and organized, with unprecedented creativity and especially inspiring efficiency, which adapts itself like a chameleon to the whims and idiosyncrasies that arise from government desks and succeeds in bringing thousands to the streets with a WhatsApp message.
Its strength and power lie in the solidarity that was created in a nation that had its cheese moved, like the rebirth of the Phoenix, the new solidarity is a defining event in Israel.
Her most important contribution is to the citizens of Israel.
The same indifferent and non-solidarity public, who preferred to grumble in the living room while cracking kernels, or to complain about the cost of living while sipping an expensive beer in the neighborhood bar,
It has suddenly become a sector with enormous power that is increasing and it is imperative for it to be aware of the power of its unity, and the influence of solidarity, and all of these are wider than the limits of the protest against the coup d'état.
This power is important to preserve.
This public, which has carried the burden for 75 years, is no longer afraid of anything.
The understanding that even if the protest started for one reason, what was will not be again and there is a rare opportunity to leverage the momentum and reap some more worthy fruits and achievements.
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Nothing scares them anymore.
The demonstration in Tel Aviv, March 26 (Photo: Flash 90, Tomer Neuberg)
Molly Bentman, Ph.D. in political science from Sapir College, who deals with democratic theory as well as protests, claims that the seculars never perceived themselves as a sector, but maintained their Israeliness, despite the fact that since the establishment of the state they have constituted a majority of the public. With the demographic changes, they have become a sector that is not aware of its sector And they didn't understand that they should take care of their own interests instead of taking care of society as a whole. "People understand that they are a sector and not a minority, whose interests should be taken care of.
It may start with democracy, but there will also be demands in education and in areas that in the past were not seen by themselves as a sector deserving of rights." According to him, the legislative mass made it clear to the people that something scary was taking place and hence the rapid mobilization, and the uncertainty of a public that does not understand the procedures, they were able to explain simply. 'Quiet secular Israel which received quite a few decrees, broke the tools because suddenly they put a red line."
And to the question of leveraging the protest, he says: "We see a demand for many changes because the people will not be willing to be subject to the content of politicians,
Looking at it, it seems that the social cohesion and mutual guarantee born between the various sectors of society are worthy of appreciation and will be learned more in the annals of local history.
If in the past the secular-traditional sector did not have reasons to get out of their comfortable armchairs and protest because they raised the price of fuel, or because they hurt wages, and the price of housing is unbearable and it does not help if they boycott Tnuva or Unilever, because these are huge corporations that will win over the small citizen anyway, the current struggle symbolizes Disillusionment and a new era.
The quiet sector that paid taxes, carried the burden and went under the stretcher, said so much.
The feeling is that what was will no longer be, and the new tribalism is connected to former President Rivlin's speech, which receives a new interpretation.
"If the vision of the Jewish and democratic state is the dream of our lives and the burden of our souls," Rivlin said in the Four Tribes speech, "then we are required today to take a brave look at this reality. And this, out of a deep commitment to find, together, answers to questions out of a willingness to outline, together, all the tribes of Israel, A common vision, of Israeli hope."
People understand that they are a sector.
Dr. Molly Bentman (Photo: Sigal Golan)
The protesting productive sector reunited, and in an unexpected way, out of opposition to a fatal injury to it and found a broad common denominator and perhaps also a new identity.
From the 'what is not', a unifying idea of 'what is' grows.
The impressive association and its strength demonstrated in the streets, signals to the other players in the arena that the tribe has spoken and is here to stay.
Instead of being satisfied with the overall struggle against the coup d'état, he must capture the ranks, tighten the internal unity, find the broad common denominators and then also set processes in motion.
Because the next time Tenova raises the price of the cottage, she will know that the largest sector in the country will be there to tell her so far.
And the next time the government doesn't handle the housing crisis, this sector will be able to stand up loudly and shout this far!
And the next time the tribe's corruption emerges, it will be ruthless, stop the country and demand cleanliness in the leadership.
The 23rd Winter protest will forever be remembered as a huge historical step, by a public that was fed up and created a tremendous mass that has no equal in local Israeliness.
The people who took to the streets proved that cohesion and cooperation are a solid foundation on the way to achieving the next goal.
Between education, security, economy, morals and ethics, equality, balance between authorities and a functioning justice system, the goals, whatever they may be, will only be achieved if cohesion is maintained and becomes a means, an end and an effective tool.
Therefore, keep the solidarity is what makes you a united sector a united tribe that no other group will have more influence over.
You will be the leaders, you will set the new rules, you are the future, you are the hope.
Orly Gnoser is an independent tourism journalist, guide and tourism consultant.
The legal revolution