04/20/2021 20:30
Clarín.com
Opinion
Updated 04/20/2021 9:52 PM
The President is in these hours pulled by
a crisis whose core is highly sensitive and from which he will not emerge unscathed
, whatever the outcome. The court rulings caused the uncertainty of the parents of the students in the City on Tuesday night, and the organization of each family has become an odyssey. "The decision is mine and I bear the costs," he challenged a few days ago. The invoice will not be less. He was warned by his ministers, whom he left snubbed. Nobody will then be able to blame the officials who do not work. The causes of such nonsense, which is now in the hands of the Supreme Court and which was avoidable by appealing to a minimum of measure, must be found in a grammar of power that no longer allows double readings.
Axel Kicillof said so last Thursday, but the revelation was buried in his tsunami of accusations and challenges.
“We went out to look for vaccines. And we get them.
But ... what did we do? We cede them to the National State, as appropriate ”. The statement was a surprise that will have to be deepened. As far as it is known until now, the procedures for the purchase of vaccines had been exclusive to the national government. If not, which ones and how many did the Province negotiate and obtain? Wasn't the acquisition of Sputnik V a merit of the Minister of Health Carla Vizzotti, and of the civil servant Cecilia Nicolini, repeated and secret travelers to Moscow?
Never innocent,
the Governor positioned himself as the author of the most sensitive management of these hours
, questioned the aptitude of the City and the other provinces -which were trying to negotiate with the laboratories-, but above all he forced the President and his cabinet to share one of the few medals that they could wear in two and a half years: not only did the promised vaccines not arrive, but also part of those that were obtained was due to the intervention of the Province.
Kicillof explained what is seen as an increasingly less concealed trend: that it is the wishes and needs of the provincial government, backed by Cristina Kirchner,
which often mark the field on which Alberto Fernández later plays
: for example, he reaches the definition of more severe restrictions in the AMBA, an confessed requirement of the Governor.
Thus, if the conviction shared in two and a half years and sharpened in recent months is that Alberto responds to Cristina's mandates, these days it
is verified that on the power board he runs the risk of resigning another locker to the hands of Kicillof
: the President could then appear third in the line of command.
The dynamics consolidate in the crack.
Kicillof not only does not escape confrontations, but deepens them.
For him Rodríguez Larreta was never “my friend Horacio”.
On the contrary, he accused him of being an irresponsible opponent who signs critical documents with one hand and then asks for consensus.
But he also said that the City is the source of contagion that radiates to the suburbs, and that its hospitals are on the verge of collapse and force patients to seek care in the Province.
A few hours later
the President signed each of the definitions.
But there is more, for the Governor the ruling of the Court of Appeals that enabled classes in the City is "disgusting", Macri incites rebellion with "horrible" words, the scientific advisers of the City "did not hit one" and even the failure of the contract with Pfizer was the responsibility of an opposition legislator. His ways and his extreme language refer directly to the vice president: that is where his strength rests. The President, on the other hand,
often seemed willing to tell everyone what they wanted to hear
.
This distribution of roles does not seem to bother Alberto Fernández.
In his press conference on Thursday, he mentioned the Governor three times as if he needed his backing in decisions.
He said, for example: "Something that I frankly feel, and that Axel also feels, I have no doubt ...".
To later add: "It is the same concern that Axel feels."
As if his own conviction was not enough to justify the measures.
In this game of mutual endorsements, it is clear that in recent weeks one took the initiative and the other only endorsed.
It is enough to look closely to discover who each one was.
