The six setbacks of Cristina Kirchner, the ghost of default and lack of Juan Grabois

Ignacio Zuleta

05/09/2021 18:49

• Clarín.com

• Politics

Updated 05/09/2021 18:49

The Government prepares revenge after the black week

Traveling strengthens the heart (Litto) and Alberto takes advantage of this forward escape from the trip to Europe to catch air after

a week of setbacks

.

The extreme Christianity - before which the president falters - rebuilds strength and digests a black week with

Cristina in charge of the Executive branch

.

A good place to reflect:

1) They wanted to nationalize the Hidrovía and

the Massa-Guerrera wing has won them

, which wants a new concession -conclusion, it is extended-.

2) They wanted to overturn the biofuel cuts system, so that the product pays taxes, and they also had to extend the regime.

The governors of agriculture win

, those of oil and Guzmán lose, who wants to collect money.

3) They want to postpone the elections and

had to accept the trigger clause

(or Negri clause, because of the radical boss who negotiated it).

4) They wanted Máximo president of the PJ of Buenos Aires.

He should have taken office last Sunday, but he will do so at the end of the year, as the regulation said.

The dissident Fernando Gray and residual Duhaldism won

.

They run the risk of dividing Peronism in the key district for Christian power.

5) They wanted to reduce the presence of Together for Change in Enacom and the RTA media system.

They lost and they have to pay the bill

that the block of Graciela Camaño will pass on to them, who insists that they are the third minority in Deputies and want one of the three seats at stake that the UCR and the PRO took.

6)

And last but not least

, the judicial slaps.

Starting with the Supreme Court ruling

that validated the presence of schools in the CABA, and that claimed the autonomy of the district, where the opposition has its headquarters.

Realism in the face of weaknesses of Christianity

They are setbacks and not defeats.

All of these fights have playoffs

. But it moderates the enthusiasm of the fanatics in the ruling party, called to order by the realism of this tribe that elbows together too many partners: Alberto, Massa, the strong governors of federal Peronism. Realism also calls for moderation to opponents and opinion-makers of the militant press on all sides, who magnify the strength and talent of Christian Peronism. They attribute to it the movements of the political planet - rotation and translation - but it is a

fanatical fantasy

.

This sector

achieves little of what it proposes

: it does not get either the judicial reform, nor a relief to the processes of former officials, starting with Cristina who complains that Alberto consents to the lawfare. On top of that he gets his ear wet, when he says, as in Ensenada: “Cristina always tells me 'Alberto, don't you feel at times that you are teaching law students something that does not exist?', And as in law we move in the world of should be, I continue to insist on marking what should be ”.

In the list of what does not come out of the Christian Peronism, the transfers of judges who enter into endless labyrinths, the judicialized impositions, the force to control the cabinet are also noted -

Basualdo does not leave, but neither does Guzmán-

;

He made a bed for Ginés, but puts new officials in union funds;

Nor did Vicentin walk, etc.

The call to realism puts things on track better and mitigates the poison of fanaticism.

The skeptic Cioran, whom we must never stop rereading, describes fanaticism as "a capital tare that gives man a taste for efficiency, for prophecy and terror, a

lyrical leprosy that contaminates souls, subdues them, crushes them or it exalts them

... "(Breviary of rottenness).

Debt: squaring the circle

Leaving the country also places the President before a goat trip. The general music is to seek support

for the IMF to postpone an agreement with Argentina

. It does so under internal and external pressure. The internal is the conviction of Peronism that it is not convenient for them to pay, especially before the elections. Nobody wants to be in a photo paying the IMF. Not now, not never. With that sincerity with which he expresses some definitions, Senator José Mayans, who presides over the Christian bloc, admitted this week in the DNU commission: "The agreement with the Fund is impossible to fulfill."

External pressure exposes you to squaring the circle. Alberto's request is for

moral rather than technical support

, like what

Pope Francis

can give him

. On May 28, the deadline to pay the debt to the so-called Paris Club expires. To postpone it, this requires a prior agreement between Argentina and the IMF, an impossible according to Mayans and his constituents. If the 28 is not paid,

in 60 days the country goes into default again

. It is not the worst-case scenario, in a world in which the virus has turned all commitments into a goodbye. But the Creole geopolitics, on which depends, among other things, their demand for extraordinary help to obtain vaccines is going to worsen.

Few have repaired - and there are plenty of explanators of the pandemic - that there is no company or government in the world that receives a promissory note to Argentina, a country in default.

Accepting one would have cost a Pfizer manager his head, to give a fashionable example, if he communicated a "check entered ... from Argentina."

Without money and without geopolitics, you will not have vaccines either

.

Except for those that are given to you or come for exchange, who knows in exchange for what.

It is what the emancipation gestures that are taken, from power, as free propaganda cost.

They are paid dearly.

Relief comes from the Creole conviction that in affluent Argentina economic restriction never puts politics into a corner.

A photo with the Pope justifies everything

Surely the main revenue is going to be a photo with Pope Francis. Lula says that the polls about him, when he left the government, showed that the majority of the public did not know what good or bad he had done, but that

more than 50% did remember his photos with stars of world politics

. That photo is well worth a trip, even if it risks gales that lower the price. More come from Bergoglio's cardinal opponents than from the government's political opponents.

Francisco agreed to receive Alberto; If not, he would have rejected the request that Ambassador María Fernanda Silva, on behalf of the Government House, trafficked on April 29.

"The hearing is granted

,

"

replied Venezuelan Edgar Peña Parra, second to Pietro Parolin in the Secretary of State, almost immediately (May 4). As Thursday is a holiday (Fátima festival), the appointment will be at the Pablo VI office, next to the Santa Marta hostel. Some look at these details, such as that the holiday will prevent an official communication of what Alberto and the Pope talk about.

Some even doubt that there is a photo

. Yes there will be a gift crossing. And some official information will be given on the meeting that will follow with Parolín and the presidential delegation.

From that appointment Bergoglio's critics expect

some slap to the President for the project to decriminalize abortion

.

Vatican spokesmen have tired of transmitting that Francisco got angry because Alberto downplayed the fights on that issue.

The Peronist Pope will not mention the issue to him and they will talk about the IMF.

But Parolín will talk about abortion.

You won't stop doing it because it's your job.

But that all this comes if the loot is valuable: the photo with Francisco, the most important Argentine politician in the world, of today and of all time.

Kristalina yes, Grabois noooooooooooo

Guzmán will be at the meeting, and on Friday at the seminar organized by Bishop Marcelo Sánchez Sorondo with the illuminating title "Dreaming a Better Restart - Dreaming a Better Start Over" -.

Kristalina Georgieva

, director of the IMF,

is invited

. Of the important people,

Juan Grabois

, leader of the CTEP, who is part of the Vatican's Department of Integral Human Development as an advisor, and who has been in previous panels

, will be missing

. This time he

warned that he has more important things

, such as organizing the trip of activists from his force to Colombia, to reinforce the proposals of social organizations against the imposition of President

Iván Duque

.

"It is our contribution," explained Grabois, "in the face of the request for help from Colombian social movements that raise the lack of international oversight. We are citizens of Latin America, because we believe that our destiny is to be a great nation of nations."

And the management of Alberto and Guzmán for the debt?

"Noooooooooo," he answers, "I have another vision of the situation with the IMF. The situation in Colombia is closely related to the actions of the IMF in the region: the 'package' and the 'tax', which affects the middle class and the poorer, they are impositions of the IMF that the Duque government does not dislike too much ".

He travels next Sunday, but he has already sent one of his lieutenants in the Patria Grande movement, "Fede" Faggioli, the "villero" deputy who lives on a property taken in Quilmes. In case there were doubts about this other social distancing,

Grabois punished the Alimentar card

as alienating. “We prefer that they create work; it's stupid policy, ”he repeats. "It is a focused policy, neoliberal in nature, because it does not establish permanent rights, it massifies welfare."

He also vindicated the laws achieved in the Macri era

by the agreements with Stanley, Negri, Massot and Carrió, blessed by Pope Francis and voted almost unanimously in both houses of Congress: “It is not a state policy either, since it is not enshrined in a national law such as the Complementary Social Salary or the National Registry of Popular Neighborhoods. These two policies -which are much inferior in terms of resources- were subjected to an extensive social debate and voted practically unanimously in both chambers of the National Congress ”.

Those

agreements are revolutionary and brought peace to the streets

in the four years of Cambiemos.

It is interesting to remember it, because it is what

Patricia Bullrich

criticizes today

of the Macri government that she was part of.

And he points to Stanley, who today has a high position alongside

Horacio Rodríguez Larreta

.

Founding partners of Republican Peronism

Some travelers from the opposition, such as

Miguel Pichetto

and

Ramón Puerta,

also strengthened their hearts

. They made an appearance on Saturday in Potrero de los Funes (San Luis), where

Adolfo Rodríguez Saá

has his home

. On a Republican Peronist tour, they lacked the testimony of the former president's project, ubiquitous like few others on the political map. At one point during the long lunch - 6 hours - they asked him on which side of the path he had been in the 1988 Menem-Cafiero intern.

"In neither of the two,"

laughed Adolfo.

He was moved by other anecdotes, such as when Peronism offered him to be president in December 2001. He was in a round of governors and party chiefs at the Chumamaya de Merlo Country Club. He approached him from behind the door, put his hands on his shoulders and asked aloud:

"Would you accept being president for 60 days?"

. He replied: "For 60 days, 60 hours or 60 minutes, but I accept." The summit, witnessed by former deputy Hugo Franco, rose to the heights when Adolfo defined himself as the founder of Republican Peronism. We founded it, he recalled, the four of us, when we made the Federal and Solidarity Front. Four? Claro,

Adolfo, Ramón, Juan Carlos Romero and ... Néstor Kirchner

, which later got off.

Of those muds, these powders, Cristina would say, who adapts the aphorisms.

Everything is history.

Duhalde celebrated having run it to Máximo, who is Cristina

The gate remains open for new approaches in the construction of Republican Peronism, Pichetto's contribution to an opposition that may later agree with other critical tribes of the Peronism that governs.

The trio of Puerta, Pichetto and Hugo Franco

came to be with Eduardo Duhalde on Friday

, who was equipped with a hyper-ventilated wing of the Hotel Savoy -callao avenue- to join them, accompanied by Juan Pablo Lohlé, Miguel Toma and Jorge Pirra .

The former president sought to dispel the legend of approaches towards a third way, which

Florencio Randazzo

wants to enable

.

Duhalde listened to the arguments about the infeasibility of that road, even if it is a small path. Much more is needed to divide Peronism, as Massa did between 2009 and 2019. Randazzo sails without lights and aligns himself with those who want to widen the opposition arc.

He needs to take an anti-Christianity test to win more friends

. The group de-dramatized Randazzo's scores for other regions. For example, with

Juan Schiaretti

, with whom he has barely had a chat on the phone, but without any commitment. The Cordovan, in addition, has them postponed. This Tuesday he has to enter the operating room in a scheduled operation but that puts him on private hiatus.

Duhalde was euphoric at the news that

Máximo Kirchner

, who is Cristina, is

delaying the inauguration of the Buenos Aires PJ until the end of the year

. He should have done it a week ago, but surely he postpones that dignity, because he prefers that his troop go to a STEP. If they were suspended, he would have wanted to take over to make use and abuse of the pen. Now Máximo has a more hurtful recourse before his adversaries: take them to the primaries in each municipality.

Deep down, he was risking a division, due to the legal claims of Federico Gray, one of the co-presidents of the party, and also those raised by Duhalde, for having neither domicile nor party affiliation in a timely manner. "There is a Peronism in the Province that they do not represent.

We cannot leave the PJ in their hands

. They are not going to come down from Sierra Maestra and take over Peronism," Duhalde joked. In that enthusiasm, he included a commitment to the Republicans.