DER SPIEGEL: Mrs Costa-Lobo, you have an absurd government.
Marina Costa-Lobo: Let's say: unusual.
DER SPIEGEL: António Costa, the head of government, has Indian ancestors, his government is tolerated by Stalinists, animal lovers, old Maoists and globalization critics. How does it work?
Costa-Lobo: After the last elections in 2015 there was suddenly a left-wing majority. Our socialists did something they had never done since the carnation revolution. They went to the left instead of the middle.
DER SPIEGEL: A coalition with the Paleocommunists, in the middle of Europe. For the SPD would be the betrayal.
Costa-Lobo: The crisis and the politics of the Troika had pushed the party to the left, with slight Euroscepticism. Prime Minister António Costa promised to end the chapter on austerity.
DER SPIEGEL: And?
Costa-Lobo: It was risky and only worked because the economic environment improved. Costa has increased pensions, salaries in the civil service, and yet the deficit is almost balanced today.
DER SPIEGEL: Congratulations on the black zero. But the dirty work on the job market had already done the previous government.
Costa-Lobo: Well, there were margins, unlike in Greece. The dramatic increase in tourism as a result of the deteriorating security situation in Turkey and Tunisia has helped a lot. And public investment has fallen by the wayside, in health care, for example, which the opposition has recently been very much interested in.
DER SPIEGEL: Does the Costa government have a chance to be re-elected on Sunday?
Costa-Lobo: A very good chance. The only question is how the PM assembles his coalition this time. Maybe this time a partner is enough for him.
DER SPIEGEL: A socialist who wins elections and no right-wing populists far and wide. Is there any recipe?
Costa-Lobo: Many say that has something to do with the story. That Portugal overthrown an authoritarian regime. That would protect us from the right.
DER SPIEGEL: Sounds good.
Costa-Lobo: But it is nonsense. In Portugal, there was little immigration, on the contrary: during the crisis, we ourselves emigrated. There are also virtually no refugees.
DER SPIEGEL: That also applies to Poland. And yet there is right-wing populism.
Costa Lobo: Of course. But one thing is different here. In Portugal, immigration has not been politicized. Our surveys show that marginalized groups are just as critical of immigration, other cultures, globalization and the EU as elsewhere.
DER SPIEGEL: Why does not that translate into election results?
Costa-Lobo: The electorate is there. But either they no longer vote or vote for the Communists, especially the elders. The communists are still deeply rooted locally and serve the euro skepticism in the best possible way.
DER SPIEGEL: Is not there a Marine Le Pen or a Matteo Salvini in Portugal?
Costa-Lobo: We have André Ventura, who may even get a seat, but nobody in Portugal knows it, and with good reason. No charismatic leader has yet been found who would successfully link the dissatisfaction of globalization losers with immigration issues. So far, it has always been about economic issues, hardly about issues such as cultural identity.
DER SPIEGEL: Can that change?
Costa-Lobo: Anytime. The breeding ground for populism is there, as our surveys show. At any rate, our revolutionary past does not protect us.
