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Editor's Note: Jorge Gómez Barata is a columnist, journalist and former official of the Ideological Department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Cuba and former vice president of the news agency Prensa Latina. The opinions expressed in this column are exclusive to the author.
(CNN Spanish) - Political power is a mystery. Appear what is not and is what it does not appear to be. Political power has an obviously class nature, and a plasticity that allows it to hide it. The State, at its best, defends and preserves the interests of the economically dominant class as a whole, not a part of it. This condition allows you to arbitrate among the different social actors.
The State is the most similar human creation to God. Like Him, he is almighty, because he can do everything, he is omniscient, because he knows everything. It has the gift of ubiquity and is endowed with intrinsic qualities that allow it to shrink until it becomes invisible during the periods when social peace reigns, and manifest itself with overwhelming force when it perceives that the system is in danger.
A tendency of modern states is to reduce, giving spaces to the private sector and civil society. Smaller governments, less bureaucracy, added to the elevation of well-being, the liberalization of political thought and practice, as well as the consolidation of institutions, reinforce political stability.
World War II concluded, despite the rivalry between the East and the West, the conflict and violent conflicts for power disappeared from the European horizon. Even the commotion that meant the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe, except in the former Yugoslavia, and the collapse of the Soviet Union, were settled in a bloodless manner.
This has not happened in Latin America, where in the 60s political movements broke out that favored the armed struggle in practically all countries. At the same time, a maelstrom of coups, left and right, unleashed revolutions and political movements, which, even when they have said they respect the rules of constitutional legality and electoral competition, have been extraordinarily violent was unleashed.
In some cases it is conservative intolerance. In others, of the progressive movements that generate proposals whose nature and lack of social consensus make them unfeasible and excessively conflictive.
Although it is recognized that the axis of political conflict and the tendency towards violent solutions in Latin America emanates from the inefficiency of economic models that, by generating inequality, poverty and social exclusion are part of the problem and not of the solutions, and There is consensus about the weakness of the institutions and the poor performance of civil society, no political force of any color has been applied to the solution of these serious structural problems.
Neither the right, as has happened in Chile, nor the left as in Venezuela, have faced the task of strengthening state institutions and civil society, generating stability, forming appropriate social contracts based on goals shared by the nation, able to promote progress with inclusion and social justice.
On the contrary, guided by an antediluvian messianism, the electoral leaders, who rarely manage to exceed the horizon of 50% of the votes, feel qualified, some to sustain the privileges of the ruling classes, and others to propose revolutions of different signs
The fact that none manages to accomplish its ends, instead of creating stability, fuels the opposite.
More than 20 coups have taken place in Latin America in the last 40 years. The myopia and selfishness of the political classes, the dire tendency to caudillismo and the eagerness to eternalize in power, have wasted the magnificent opportunities for progress with social inclusion that arose in Nicaragua, Brazil, Venezuela, Argentina, Ecuador, El Salvador and more recently, in Bolivia.
The rhetoric that seeks an answer in a past many times adulterated, overestimated and sometimes sacralized leaderships, nihilism that disqualifies the opponent, as well as narcissism and drunkenness of power, do as much or more damage than political adversaries and imperialism.
Every conflict and every coup d'etat, every exiled leader and every repressive wave, instead of moving forward, makes history go back. The best political adversary is the one who is alive, the best-won battles are those that are avoided and the best agreements come from plurality. Reason should not promote force, but reject it, and the most effective leaders are those who propose progress as an option.
We must avoid that the masses have arguments to shout: "Go all." See you there.
