01 perspective
Written by: Comment Editor
2019-12-06 07:00
Last updated: 2019-12-06 07:00To commemorate the 20th anniversary of the return of Macau at the end of this month, the Central Committee held a "Symposium on the Implementation of the Basic Law of the Macao Special Administrative Region" in Beijing on Tuesday (3rd). Chairman of the National People's Congress Li Zhanshu and Director of the Hong Kong and Macao Affairs Office Zhang Xiaoming praised Macao for one country, two systems, and national security In terms of success, and at the same time do n’t forget to “note” Hong Kong. Undoubtedly, with the deepening of the deep-seated contradictions accumulated by Hong Kong society over the years, the practice of one country, two systems has also been implicated and questioned, and Macao's outstanding performance in dealing with one country, two systems mainly refers to its achievements in fulfilling the "one country" constitutional responsibility In particular, legislation to safeguard national security really dwarfs Hong Kong. However, the historical, political, economic, and cultural differences between Hong Kong and Macau are also obvious. However, there are many challenges for Hong Kong to properly implement the requirements of the Basic Law. It cannot be overcome simply by applying Macao's experience.
At the forum, Li Zhanshu praised Macao's success in patriotism and love to Australia, but also stressed that it has effectively safeguarded national sovereignty, security, and development interests, and is a necessary condition for maintaining Macao's long-term prosperity and stability. He also made no secret of the name of the place: "The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region must also understand the spirit of the Central Government well. Understanding the Constitution, the central government's comprehensive governance power, and the relationship between a high degree of autonomy. The requirements are the same. "Zhang Xiaoming described that Macau" sets an example in implementing the one country, two systems policy and basic law, safeguarding national security and unification ", and the subtext that criticizes Hong Kong is self-evident.
The return of Hong Kong and Macau to Hong Kong and Macao came first. Macau ’s Basic Law was largely formulated with reference to Hong Kong. When comparing the effectiveness of the practice of one country, two systems in the two places, it is inevitable that the two places will implement this constitution which sets out the basic policy of one country, two systems. Regulatory documents are the starting point. In one country, two systems, one country is the root and two systems are the branches. Maintaining "one country" is a prerequisite for implementing the "two systems." This is also the basis for correctly understanding why the central government emphasizes both "full governance" and "high autonomy." . Macau has done a good job in recognizing the subordination of "two systems" to "one country" and fulfilling the constitutional responsibilities that the Special Administrative Region must perform under the "one country" principle, except in 2009 in accordance with Article 23 of the Basic Law In addition to enacting the Law on Maintaining National Security, and actively incorporating education in the Basic Law and the Constitution in the curriculum of all primary and secondary schools, there have been no large-scale social movements caused by contradictions with the Mainland like Hong Kong in the past 20 years after the return . It is not difficult to understand that the Central Government has stated that Hong Kong should use Australia as a teacher.
After Hong Kong's reunification, it tried to legislate for Article 23 of the Basic Law, but failed in opposition. Since then, "23" is like Hong Kong's politically sensitive words. No previous government has had the political energy to restart the legislative work. Attitude. This undoubtedly reinforces the misunderstanding of "one river, two rivers, one river, two rivers, one country, two systems" in Hong Kong society. Hong Kong officials are also better at sorting out the relationship between "one country" and "two systems." "One country" gradually became more contradictory and turned a blind eye. As a result, Hong Kong's "two systems" gradually became the opposite of "one country", and even ridiculous arguments such as "not talking about one country is the greatest respect for one country." It can be said that the one country, two systems encountered resistance in Hong Kong, and of course Hong Kong society has its own responsibilities, and the central government's long-term thinking of "laissez-faire" and "separation" is also a major cause.
In his speech, Cui Shi'an, Chief Executive of the Macao Special Administrative Region, stated that in order to fully and accurately implement the Basic Law, he promoted two points during his tenure: 1. The principle of uniting rights and obligations must be adhered to, safeguarding the sovereign rights and interests of the country, and ensuring the prosperity and stability of Macau. 2. It is necessary to give full play to the institutional advantages conferred on Macao by the Basic Law and advance with the times to promote the stability of the "one country, two systems" business. (Union News Network)
At the time of the worst governance crisis in Hong Kong since the reunification, the Fourth Plenary Session of the 19th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC) held last month made it clear that it was necessary to improve the system of one country, two systems from different levels. On Wednesday (4th), Chief Executive Lin Zheng Yue'e also attended the National Constitution Day symposium, stating that Hong Kong must improve the relevant systems and mechanisms for the implementation of the Constitution and the Basic Law in accordance with the requirements of one country, two systems. As Li Zhanshu pointed out, "The requirements of the Central Government on Hong Kong and Macau are the same." From a central point of view, as far as Article 23 of the Basic Law is concerned, obviously there is no problem that Macau can and Hong Kong cannot, and it will inevitably require Hong Kong to perform the constitutional responsibility of the SAR to the country as well as Macau, legislation to protect national security and promote the country. Agree.
"Hong Kong 01" never said that Hong Kong society must take seriously the 23 pieces of legislation, actively create conditions, and fulfill this constitutional responsibility as soon as possible. However, "the same requirement" does not necessarily mean the same connotation and means. When understanding the sentence of Li Zhanshu, it should not be simply summarized as asking Hong Kong to "follow Macao." Take the dispute over the amendment of the Fugitive Offenders Ordinance as an example, the amendment itself has its rationality and necessity, but why it has developed to this point is clearly that political figures have failed to explain it, refused to do more in-depth communication, and resolved the public's anxiety. So that society can truly understand the original meaning and role of the amendment. Hong Kong's politicians did not take this task seriously, and as a result, the conflict between Hong Kong society and the central government grew.
The Fourth Plenary Session of the 19th CPC Central Committee will sort out the "One Country, Two Systems" implemented in Hong Kong. (Xinhua News Agency)
There are huge differences between Macau and Hong Kong in various senses, especially in terms of political culture, and successful experiences in Macau may not be directly applicable to Hong Kong. In terms of political atmosphere, after the "One, Two, Three Incident" in 1966, the left had taken control of Macau's real power. Conversely, the left was defeated by the June 7 riots in Hong Kong. The British government of Hong Kong has also promoted reform since the 1980s, adding to the political operation of Hong Kong. Democratic component. The difference in colonial experience also caused a significant gap between the two places in understanding and adapting to "one country." In terms of socio-economic terms, Macau and Hong Kong are also very different. When Macau returned to China in 1999, it had a population of only 400,000. The Portuguese government chose to grant eligible Macao residents Portuguese nationality, meaning that they could theoretically move to Portugal or choose other places. EU countries have settled, and those who resist the return have a way back. Hong Kong had a population of 6.5 million when it returned in 1997. The United Kingdom was not as "generous" as Portugal. It only provides a portion of Hong Kong people with a British National Passport (BNO) without the right of abode, and Hong Kong people will be more anxious in mentality. .
From an economic point of view, Macau has less land, economic activities are very dependent on the Mainland, and the industry is extremely singular. 70% of GDP comes from the gambling industry. After the opening of gambling rights, the main source of VIPs for casinos came from the Mainland. In contrast, Hong Kong is known as the "Cosmopolitan City". Although economic activities are also closely related to the Mainland, the vitality of foreign trade and economics is not the same as that of Macau.
All these differences are doomed to make it impossible for Macao's successful experience of one country, two systems to transplant Hong Kong simply. Some commentators, such as Liu Zhaojia, deputy chairman of the National Hong Kong and Macao Research Association, believe that the central government hopes to use Macau as a model to urge Hong Kong to implement the one country, two systems, but it is actually not so simple. Taking universal suffrage as an example, it is a major factor that has caused political tension within Hong Kong society and between Hong Kong and the central government for a long time. The Basic Law of Hong Kong clearly sets out the goal of the Chief Executive and the Legislative Council to be generated by universal suffrage. Macau ’s Basic Law does not Regulations. It can also be seen that one country, two systems is not a static system. The successful experience of Macao's one country, two systems is blessed by the factors of Macao. Hong Kong's one country, two systems are not complete and have the unique situation of Hong Kong. It cannot be generalized. Misappropriate use of gods, such as the "People of the Emperor King's Politics" as described in Han Feizi.
Hong Kong people cherish one country, two systems, and the central government has shown that this is a long-term national policy that makes it possible for one country, two systems to run steadily in Hong Kong, and is in the interest of the central and Hong Kong. It is precisely the indicator of the success of this system's pioneering work. The central government hopes that one country, two countries will be the solution to the Taiwan issue. Hong Kong's experience is undoubtedly more important than that of Macau. Therefore, to overcome the severe test that one country, two systems have suffered in Hong Kong, the question is not "can it be", but "how can it be." We have always emphasized that Hong Kong people's pursuit of universal suffrage is understandable, but at the same time they should honestly fulfill other constitutional responsibilities. We must also get rid of the myth that universal suffrage can solve Hong Kong's problems and pragmatically build a society that reflects fairness and justice.
[01 Weekly Editorial] The 4th Central Committee re-explains that the “one country, two systems” Hong Kong government will “implement Hong Kong people to govern Hong Kong according to law”
[01 Weekly Editorial] Breaking through the illusion and returning to reality, one country, two systems cannot tolerate "Hong Kong independence"
[Interpretation 4] What to do in 2047? Central gave an answer
01 depth
Views on the Basic Law of One Country, Two Systems 01