Ahead of the 23rd Knesset elections, it is clear that the size of the party will be secondary in importance to the bloc it heads. Benjamin Netanyahu, who was previously elected (2009) as prime minister despite being the second-largest party, understands this well, and so since his decision to advance to the 21st Knesset, his efforts have focused on merging the right-wing parties.

Prior to the last election, the PM succeeded in building a bloc of 55 Knesset members, which included the right-wing and ultra-Orthodox parties, and paid a very high price, such as Naftali Bennett's appointment as defense minister, to ensure the bloc did not disintegrate. But the "natural allies" are not so natural , Because the common denominator between nationalist Zionist parties and non-Zionist ultra-Orthodox parties cannot be ideological.

Amir Peretz and Nitzan Horowitz // Photo: Lior Mizrahi

On the other hand, on the liberal side, the common denominator between blue and white, labor and the Democratic camp does not need negotiations and is almost self-explanatory, while the joint list, which consists of different ideological and even contradictory parties, is not a candidate for right wing. But ahead of the upcoming elections, the liberal bloc is not guaranteed.

The latest polls showed a tendency to increase blue and white at the expense of the two Zionist parties, and if they did not pass the blocking, the bloc's chances of winning the election would be lost. For Gantz, who recently cemented his leadership after Lapid relinquished his prime ministerial rotation, it could be a wealth reserved for his owners. He must go into the thick of the beam, meet with Amir Peretz and Nitzan Horowitz and examine all possible options to reduce the risk of the lump shrinkage.

The most logical option is to set up an array between these parties. Their ideological gaps do not justify the liberal bloc's risk. Each party can maintain its independence, and if they wish - they can split at any moment one would prefer, but the elections will run jointly, followed by a joint faction trying to work together. The problem is that while the Democratic camp is ready for such an arrangement, the Labor Bridge is in opposition, and Peretz even ruled out this possibility this week.

Rumors say that Peretz prefers an array between his party and blue and white. He will bring with him an undeniable "dowry" of tens of thousands of his party's voters, most of whom may vote for that combination, and at the same time - the left-hand side of the map will turn to the Democratic camp, and this party may win those Labor voters and perhaps other parties who favor a much clearer ideological statement. The problem is that many of the white and white leaders want to maintain their image as a center party, so they will be discouraged from establishing a common framework for them and work.

The third, more complex and less recommended option, unless it is a condition for the joint walk, is to follow Netanyahu's path. On the eve of the 21st Knesset, the PM made a proposal for "the right-wing union", led by Rabbi Rafi Peretz, to join Jewish power and in return - to arm those who were then Deputy Defense Minister, Rabbi Eli Ben Dahan, on the Likud's Knesset list, Retire from the list and join the "right-wing union" immediately after the election. The armor of the Labor Representative on a blue-and-white list may convince Labor leaders to agree to a connection with the Democratic camp.

It may be easier for Gantz to offer Burz such a move than to set up a joint umbrella for his party and "Labor." In any case, it seems to me that the future of the bloc must now employ those recommended by him as prime minister.