Among the open societies in the democratic part of the world, the past decade has been embarrassing. It has become apparent that the public has lost faith in the social and political response offered by the various elites to deal with the dramatic changes that are shaking up the arrangements that have taken shape in recent generations. Large sections of the public are following the deep right, which is growing at the expense of the veteran elites, but they may also be disappointed with it.

The meeting between these two has driven Western societies into a polarization. The challenge in the opening decade today is to find a synthesis between the hopes, openness and willingness to take risks of one school, and the caution, realism and willingness to fight the other. The key is public trust.

1. Global changes - economic, political and social - are taking place at a dizzying pace. Awareness of their meaning is slowly permeating and the response is often partial and delayed. Wide populations do not understand the change, find it difficult to adapt to it and seek leadership that will help them find their place in the new conditions.

In the unstable and impoverished parts of the world, tens of millions have lost hope in the face of their deteriorating situation and hope to migrate to regions based in the world. Millions have already started. In the western seven, anxieties about technological and economic changes will deprive them of their livelihoods and status. This is accompanied by anxiety about the mass and uncontrolled immigration of foreign civilians, who often bring with them violence and high resilience to social and cultural integration.

The Western leadership elites offered all these anxieties unsatisfactory answers. These elites understand the dramatic changes better than others, know how to adapt to and even be built on. The side effects of these changes are not threatening: their professions have no robotic substitute, their social status is firmly anchored and the refugees from Afghanistan will not reach their neighborhoods.

Under these conditions, they can exhort the nation with economic openness, liberal immigration policies and transnational solidarity that care about the plight of human beings wherever they are. They also dictated, in the public discourse, an obsessive focus and endorsed the end-rights of every minority, with increasing disregard for the fundamental rights of the majority. The problem is not with the positive trend of openness and concern for the plight of others and for the rights of minorities, but for its radicalization and the decline of public support due to its radical nature.

2. What characterized the last decade was the beginning of the uprising of many middle classes, having become aware of these dangers. They realized that their leaders had no satisfactory response to their distress, and probably not even a real motivation to find such a response. They turned en masse to the right, including the deep right, although presented as illegitimate because it promised them to keep their boundaries and care first and foremost about their livelihood and their place in society.

In their predicament, they sought and found in the national identity, and not its synthetic substitutes, the calming warmth of authentic solidarity in the cultural circle close to their hearts. As the liberal liberalism on behalf of the noble values, and away from its basic responsibility for its own society, lost their confidence in its messages.

The most important event of the decade, if not of the 21st century, is the opening of the gates of Germany and Europe to the uncontrolled flux of about a million immigrants, mostly from cultures that have repeatedly proven their failure to integrate into the democratic West. These are largely those who fled the countries that were destroyed because of their violent and intolerant political culture, bringing with them Europe's adherence to the same culture itself.

Although Europe's prominent leaders - Merkel, Sarkozy and Cameron - declared the failure of multicultural hallucination in the early decades and warned of its dangers, the chancellor herself acted with unprecedented irresponsibility when Europe effectively deprived Europe of its basic sovereign right to maintain its borders and to choose. Even after the resounding failure of the move, she turned to a protectionist agreement with Erdogan, which allowed the Turkish dictator to flush Europe with unwanted migrants.

Merkel's policies have shaken the entire civilization. In Germany itself, it has raised the right, including its dangerous part, at the expense of major parties, in Britain it has influenced the Barakzit referendum, the US on Trump's rise, and in a variety of European countries - for example, in Italy, Austria, Poland, Hungary, Czech Republic, France, In the Netherlands and even in Sweden, the right has been strengthened.

Everywhere, this policy has contributed to undermining trust - among important sectors of the public mainstream - in the discretion of the liberal parties. Alongside the immigration question, the public will soon also recognize the harmlessness caused by China's economic domination and Russia's military, political and intelligence aggression.

3. In the last decade, Western democracies have been exposed to a lack of prepared leadership and capable of countering the assertive assertiveness of their threatening forces. Bush's hallucinations of democracy for Arabs and Obama's eight years of strategic slack, and the harsh disappointment of Merkel's discretion, have joined Trump's party personality damage even when he adopted correct policies.

Of all the necessary conditions for the growth of such leadership, it is especially important to return to the balance between national solidarity and the sovereignty of the people, and the core of liberal values ​​- pluralism, openness and democracy - less the radicalization of the purists.

In order to regain public confidence, it must internalize that only moderate nationalism, not synthetic nationalism and universal universalism, is the antidote to nationalism and fascism. It has to bravely tackle three critical areas that combine foreign policy and political, social and economic outcomes at the forefront: the stiff global competition with China, Russia's aggression, and the threats of mass immigration.

China is facing a fundamental change in the rules of the game as long as it depends on the Western markets more than the US and its allies depend on in China. To military superiority.

In the matter of immigration, it is important to openly say to the public that the West does not need, cannot and will not respond to the plight of all mankind at the expense of its own needs, quality of life and cultural values.

Dr. Dan Schippen is the head of the Haifa University's International National Security Program