Elections will be a crossroads for Blue and White Chairman, who stormed into politics a year ago and arrives in the third round scarred and worn out • Now, this may be his last chance • And: Netanyahu did not give up Jewish power from the tree • And where is his tension with religious Zionism?

• Benny Gantz and Yair Lapid // Photo: Coco

Momentum is volatile. More than the Likud is gaining momentum, Blue and White is losing it. Netanyahu's message that Livni Gantz could not form a government without support from the joint Arab list probably worked. Like Peres will distribute Jerusalem version 2020. It left the other side unanswered and unable to defend.

Although there is currently no poll that gives the right bloc 61 seats. Even as the trend reversed and the ruling party returned to the lead, Netanyahu has no real ability to form a government with this data. But Likud is convinced that another vision is ahead, and that the reversal of the trend will bring with it the majority of the coalition needed.

Not only did the relentless message about the expected cooperation between Gantz and the joint list lead to Likud's rise in the polls, but also Netanyahu's intense performances at conferences across the country. Three and sometimes four events in the evening. This massive presence raises the threshold for the Likudniks to come and vote this time and finally make a year's decision.

In the few days left until the polls open, Netanyahu will step up the pace, and will do what he has done so far, only with greater intensity. The question of how Gantz will form a government without the joint will continue to resonate with the right-wingers, mock him for refusing to face a confrontation, and will also curb the fifth-dimension affair and recordings of Gabi Ashkenazi and Mandelblit's Avichai. In the polls he has received in recent days, the right-wing bloc is already on 59 seats, and he believes that continuing the field activity until the election and on election day itself will bring in the two missing seats.

This, along with recent attempts to convince Jewish power voters to abandon their party that does not pass the blockade and choose one of the other right-wing lists. Until last week, Netanyahu ignored the power. In the coming days, the press will put pressure on rabbis and activists who will save the tens of thousands of votes they think will go in the bin, by voting for another party that passes.

But beneath the surface, the boiling gun seemed to be bubbling. The momentum on the right not only concerns the visible messages of Netanyahu and the Likud, but also the hidden ones. The sense of persecution that once again floats and rises above the surface, this time not only the media and the left, but also the justice system. From the prosecutor's office to the High Court. The war's end with corruption that lifted blue and white flew to too high heights.

Whose personal disqualification of Netanyahu actually disqualifies an entire camp that supports him. It's not just Likud, but it's also Shas, Torah Judaism, and even the right. Everyone put Netanyahu in their campaign picture, and it's not always the man's love. But their voters' love for him. Understanding that Netanyahu represents something that might be even bigger. Those who, in the right-wing camp's opinion, are trying to force the rule of officials and judges, those who have not ceased even in this election campaign, are trying to express their views with astonishing condescension and dissociation from a large public heart in the country.

Gantz, who announces that he is not disqualifying the Likud but Netanyahu personally, is seen by this camp as cooperating with these spirits, which may be interpreted as condescending and detachment that, in this election campaign, seems to offend. Instead of embracing the soft right-handers he had with him, he banishes them.

As far as Netanyahu is concerned, the demand from Ashkenazi to reveal the transcripts of his talks with Avichai Mandelblit, while he was the last military attorney during the Harpaz affair, is to kill two birds in one blow. Ashkenazi is a senior member of Gantz's Cockpit. Mendelblit in this story becomes a clear conflict of interest. Not just in the recording case, but in the Netanyahu case in general. Netanyahu doesn't have to say it openly in order for this message to be heard well in all his speeches around the country and in the interviews he gives in the media.

The prime minister's big opponents will also have to admit that the fact that Ashkenazi holds information on Mandelblit that, according to the various publications, may embarrass him, probably force him to resign, and certainly stop his promotion to the Supreme Court judge he is targeting, puts the court in a position of contrast There are definite issues regarding the handling of Ashkenazi's rival files, and who hurt him when he refused to accept him into the Likud ranks, which is almost as absurd as turning Yair Lapid into a prosecution in the prime minister's trial.

Netanyahu is running his current campaign as one of his life. Running and running, fighting countless arenas at the same time, and full of energies that cause quite a bit of astonishment among Likud officials and even his immediate surroundings. Netanyahu is no longer young. Gantz, for comparison, is ten years younger and has trouble keeping up. He is not a prime minister and not even a minister - his only job, besides being a Knesset member during the recess, is to be a party leader and an election candidate. The campaign is all day long. The only place it runs is the election campaign. Netanyahu, on the other hand, apart from the election campaign, runs the state. We will call for security consultations, official events, government meetings and ministerial committees. and yet.

Nails and feathers

Gantz is also in his life in this election. For him, a loss is not just a loss in the election but a bleak ending to a political adventure that has left many spots on him and left him bruised and scarred after a year of never-ending attrition. His status in a dilapidated white and blue is considered. If in the last two election campaigns his top members stood behind him and ran the campaign with him, now that they have left the arena and left him alone, there will be no burden of failure.

Everything will be shrugged, including the demand to give way to the leadership battle expected between Yair Lapid and Gabi Ashkenazi. If that is what happens, it will be the entry into the miserable politics of history. A year of struggles, confrontation with the Likud and the image it infused with the Likud, of those who fail to connect two sentences to one coherent idea - all for nothing and nothing.

In order to extract his skin and prevent his impeachment from a blue-and-white fleet, Gantz obviously needs a win, but if at all he should at least try to get back to being the biggest party.

The dilemma of blue and white is clear: maximizing the chance of victory passes through a right turn. But then voices from the left may trickle down to the left: the work-bridge-energy and the joint list. Conversely, turning left may bring left-wing mandates and increase blue-white, but at the same time smuggling voters to the right and reducing the bloc, and with it the prospects of forming a government.

For now, the choice seems to be to go left. Full strength. In terms of blue-and-white heads, the only reason the work connected with Meretz is so that they, blue-and-white, can drink their mandates without interruption and without fear of falling below the blocking percentage.

Here, too, things don't work out as white and blue. Since the aggressive campaign against voting for the Meretz Bridge bridge, Amir Peretz's party is only growing, while blue and white continues to shrink. The left, it turns out, do not like these attacks within the bloc, and do not believe that the big party is the important thing, but the bloc that goes with it. If the Likud passes the Blue and White state mandate in one mandate, the party's campaign claims this past week, but voters continue to abandon. Right now, it seems, the Labor chairman has managed to keep up.

The main problem of the work-bridge-Meretz was and remained its automatic support for the Gantz and the white blue. Strategic proposals, too, to balance themselves, suggesting that they might consider sitting with Netanyahu and enjoying ongoing courtship from Gantz and his people in order not to lose their support, were rejected outright by Peretz, who continues to insist that he not sit with Netanyahu under any circumstances.

Peretz associates said this week that in light of the blue-and-white attacks on Labor-Meretz Bridge, Gantz would cease to be a political partner, and despite his support of the president's recommendations and the formation of a government, he would not make it easy if he negotiated coalition negotiations with them.

Bennett created fire

When Naftali Bennett entered politics in 2013, the Jewish Home Speaker then realized that the road to success was in constant conflict with Netanyahu. It was the way to win the support of the major media outlets, and it would also hurt to inflame the ego of religious Zionists who see their leader as A stature, one that fears the challenge of the leadership of the prime minister and the leader of the ruling party, and challenges him.

Ben Gvir. Bennett decides to ignore Jewish power // Photo: Oren Ben Hakon

But times have changed since then. Bennett made a strategic decision that no matter how much Netanyahu attacks him - he is not dragged into a confrontation with him. Contrary to the past, such a confrontation may get voters out of it and not the other way around.

But for some reason, Netanyahu decided in the final message that before the polls opened, he would not only argue with Bennett but with all religious Zionism. At the Jerusalem Conference of the Religious Newspaper "Basheva", Netanyahu attacked settler leaders, Minister Bennett, and religious Zionists in general. Many of those present were amazed. But others understood.

Quite a few articles in the past year have been written by the group's writings, claiming that religious Zionism should abandon Netanyahu's automatic support and consider supporting Benny Gantz if there is no decision again.

Unlike Netanyahu, Bennett's decision regarding Jewish power is ignored. In his opinion, engaging with Ben Gvir and his friends only glorifies their name, contributes to their entry into the discourse and in practice instead of reducing their number of voters, it will only increase. The media, which he argues for the left, is also concerned about surplus coverage of Jewish power, with Ben Gvir invited to panels and interviews and receiving much wider coverage than his real power, all to weaken the right-wing bloc. That is why he also believes that Netanyahu is mistaken in treating and attacking him.

And yet, the biggest disappearance in this election is the level of turnout and voter turnout this Monday. Last time - in the September elections - there was a general assessment that voting percentages would be particularly low. Still, a second round in a few months. It ended with a larger percentage than expected, but who thought it would be again in a few months. This time around, third round, no one is ready to bet anymore. Also don't take a risk. The field activity next week will be at its peak. Only those who prove to be the most effective will be able to get on the podium and deliver the victory speech at headquarters Monday night.