During the weeks of July 13 to 24, Puerto Ricans experienced one of the most important moments in their recent history: the cycle of protests and social mobilizations known as the "Summer of 19". In the entire colonial history of the country it was the first time that an elected governor resigned from office. From the time of the Spanish colonization and more, under American domination, the widespread perception that the citizens of Borinquén did not fight hard to face political and social injustices was considered almost a fact. However, in the case of last summer, the story was not so. The decision to resign from Governor Ricardo Rosselló occurred after strong pressure from multiple sectors of Puerto Rican civil society and the imminent possibility of the governor's own residence (political trial). But what was the "Summer of 19" ? What caused the massive marches? And what was the situation in Puerto Rico at that time?
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The manifestations of the summer were a series of popular protests called by non-traditional, or partisan, sectors of the island society, concentrated on Fortaleza Street (called the “Resistencia” Street) of Old San Juan and other parts of the country , and that were clearly marked by the lack of organized leadership. The most immediate reason for the discomfort was due to the expressions of Governor Rosselló and other members of his cabinet who made themselves known after the filtering of an 889-page chat of the Telegram application by the El Centro de Investigativo Journalism platform ( CPI). In the messages, the members of the chat shared strategies to manipulate information in the media, memes, teasing, foul and homophobic comments against political adversaries and personalities of the country. The filtration of these exchanges provoked criticism and requests for resignations from multiple political, community, and business sectors. The result of the protests caused that on July 24, the eleventh governor, resigned his position effective August 2.
Now, although Puerto Ricans' dissatisfaction was felt more than ever in the " Summer of 19 ", resentment and lack of confidence towards government figures had matured since previous years.
Beginning in the 21st century, the island had experienced a strong acceleration of social, political and economic instability. In 2008, the economic depression caused by the real estate crisis and the bankruptcy of the big banks in the United States infected all the markets globally and made even worse the crisis of the minor of the Greater Antilles, mainly in the employment sectors ( construction), also causing the increase in bankruptcies of small and medium enterprises. In 2009, under the government of the New Progressive Party (PNP) of Luis Fortuño Burset, and its “Neoliberal” vision of reducing public spending, Law 7 (Special Law Declaring the State of Fiscal Emergency) was signed that caused the phased dismissal in the next two years of approximately 30,000 public employees. A notable number of those affected by the Law had to migrate to the United States, mainly to the state of Florida, in search of better job offers, further increasing the demographic decline on the island. That decade, not by chance, is known in Puerto Rico as the " lost decade ."
The scenario for the second decade of the 21st century continued to worsen tragically. To the point that, under the government of the PPD (2013–2016) of Alejandro García Padilla, the bonds of the Commonwealth (ELA) were classified during 2014 by the accrediting agencies, Standard & Poor's, Moody’s and Fitch Ratings , as “scrap " The situation made it difficult to obtain future loans or financing for Puerto Rico's finances. During 2016 and after several fruitless debates on how to solve the problem of public debt, the government failed to comply with several payments, increasing uncertainty about the island economy. Having no more options, the Popular Democratic Party (PPD) government turned to the United States Congress for help or for an emergency solution. As it is an associated territory, however, Puerto Rico could not qualify for the Bankruptcy Law, as other American states can do instead (for example, the case of Detroit in 2013). After immense local and Washington debates, President Barack Obama signed the Promise Law ( Puerto Rico Oversight, Management, and Economic Stability Act .) In June 2016, establishing the creation of the Fiscal Oversight Board (JSF) or Fiscal Control (JCF). The mission of the Board, according to the Law, was to create the basis for sustainable growth and restore a horizon of opportunities for the people of Puerto Rico. However, the Board was responsible for approving, collating, cutting and recommending all the budgets of the island. The imposition of the Board represented for a large part of the citizens the rectification of a colonial status, generating accusations to Congress to push back the political situation and relations with the metropolis to the years of the Foraker Law. This, approved in 1900 by the United States Congress, had subject the new civilian government of the island to the supervision of Washington.
In May 2017, months after having started as governor, Ricardo Rosselló Nevares declared bankruptcy of the Island in order to restructure the public debt, estimated at about $ 70,000 million. According to Rosselló, his decision to qualify for Title III of the Promise Law represented an attempt to address the financial crisis of the island, after finishing the moratorium that prevented creditors from going to court to claim payment of the debt to the ELA. At that time, Puerto Rico experienced an approximate rate of poverty of 45%, unemployment that ranged from 12% to 16%, and a historical demographic reduction due to the new wave of migration to the United States.
As if that were not enough, on September 20, 2017 the island was crossed by Hurricane Maria, which had one of the most significant economic and environmental impacts of the island's contemporary history. The category 4 hurricane destroyed thousands of houses, destroyed roofs, trees, crops, infrastructure and collapsed the service of electricity and drinking water. The natural disaster caused the direct and indirect death of 4,465 Puerto Ricans. Those affected by the natural phenomenon had to live with the disastrous and irresponsible response of the local government, the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) and the continuous reproaches and contempt of President Donald Trump. Faced with the drastic scenario of vulnerability, the island suffered one of the most difficult moments in its history in general. In the following months, and in the midst of the slow recovery, the government in turn made decisions that the citizens considered very unfortunate because of the direct consequences they would have on the communities. Among them, we can mention the closing of more than 400 public schools of the Department of Education, the creation of “Charter” schools (publicly funded, but privately managed), a liberalizing Labor Reform, the increase in rates and illegal fines of tolls, reduced pensions and increased costs (tuition and credit / loss of exemptions) at the University of Puerto Rico. In addition, new corruption schemes on top government officials and their agencies came to light in the media. It was in this context that the "Telegram" chat was released, this being the last trigger for the "Summer of 19" .
Now, what is the picture after the mobilization that caused Rosselló's resignation? At first glance, an important sector of the country thought that what was achieved in the summer would cause a real political and economic change. However, it was not. Nine months after the electoral elections, the political and general instability of the country is greater than what was experienced before the events of last July. The government of the day, of the New Progressive Party, is divided by the internal struggle between sides, without urgently addressing the new reality of the earthquakes, which have been occurring since January 7, and which has caused the displacement of thousands of refugees in the southwest of the country
Faced with this scenario, it is essential to ask: was the “Summer of 19” the awakening of the Puerto Rican people? Is it the first step towards a deeper political change? Or was it just a temporary movement without direction and leadership as several analysts pose? At the moment we do not have enough arguments to reach a conclusive conclusion. However, a large part of the population expects that the results of the elections on November 3 will consolidate a new political course in the country. With the emergence of independent candidates, the founding of the Victoria Citizen Movement and an unprecedented participation of young people in the political life of the country, together with the predicted electoral abstention of conservative affiliates of the PNP - PPD, this change is possible. However, if the result favors the parties that have shared power in the last 80 years, more so, if Donald Trump is reelected as President of the United States and continues with his policy of harassment towards the Island, the chances of a Real transformation will be very difficult. If the second scenario occurs, many of the initiatives and motivations of the generations that trusted and bet on the “Summer of 19” will vanish as the beginning of the social-political change in Puerto Rico in the context of the 21st century with consequences that are difficult to predict .
Javier Alemán Iglesias is professor of the Ana G. Méndez University, Gurabo Campus, Puerto Rico.
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