Like the Ministry of Justice, the Histadrut is also a hotspot in Israel. • Is a person who heads this organization unable to function as chairman of the prosecutor's office?

• Abby Nissenkorn // Photo: Oren Ben Hakun

The role of a Minister of Justice in the State of Israel is not an easy one. He is a democratically elected public representative to run an office that is supposedly a professional office.

For many years, the Attorneys General, backed by the High Court, created the ethos that the actions of public service lawyers are professional, and that the Commissioner should not intervene, for fear of politicization of the law. Specific cases were accepted with understanding, and the elected officials also condemned, and quite rightly, refrained from making specific decisions about prosecution or the return of the indictment.

However, the professional aura and political remoteness quickly jumped to other areas of the office as well. Thus, a moral and political issue such as the separation of men and women in cultural and singing events has become an issue where the personal position of the Deputy Attorney General in a professional position is forced upon the public.

Thus, on the issue of appointments and tenders, the Ministry of Justice and the Prosecutor's Office became a closed clique, with a member method that brings a member who ensures uniformity of opinion and warm and comfortable consensus. And so is the issue of criticism over the prosecution's conduct and prosecution. The demands of the prosecutor's office, which were otherwise regarded as a fight by a committee of workers opposed to moving its cheese - received an aura of legal issue, and every criticism was viewed as an intervention in legal discretion. Shouting cries for violating the criminal prosecution's discretionary independence sounded level.

The struggle for the establishment of the Ombudsman for State Representatives in the courts and for the granting of extensive powers to the body to be set up has crossed political sectors. Tzipi Livni, Yael German and Michal Rozin found themselves on the same side with Bezalel Smutrich and Orit Stroke. However, the commission that was eventually formed in 2016 was weak and barren.

The responsibility for violating the Attorney General's criticism should be, inter alia, for the fierce resistance, which included a partial strike on the part of the Attorney General's Committee. The country's strong-body workers have been incorporated and have been criticized for their actions. And suddenly the line broke. Representatives of organized labor in the Knesset broke the uniform line of elected officials, and suddenly you could see how Shelly Yachimovich is standing in the Constitutional Committee and speaking out against transparency, criticism and the restraint of the tremendous power held by the State Attorney's Office.

The prime minister's main job in Israel is to ensure greater transparency in his system of control and more public control over the country's most powerful figure, the attorney general, and his affiliates.

Can a person who heads the Histadrut perform such a role? Like the Ministry of Justice, the Histadrut is also a major center of power in the State of Israel. Like the DOJ, it also enjoys a loyal political lobby that narrow considerations are ready to answer "artist" after all its action. The Histadrut also works without transparency and without public criticism. Unlike any nonprofit or public benefit company, which requires the publication of financial reports and transparency with the public, the Histadrut receives billions of shekels from the public and does not give any account.

It would be a particularly dangerous combination if, instead of a justice minister, we get the chair of the prosecutor's office, who will use his power to further strengthen the state's strong body and avoid the necessary criticism of the Justice Department's actions.

Attorney Simcha Rothman is the legal counsel for the Movement for Governance and the author of the book "High Court Party"