Netanyahu, as has already been proven, could put the emotion aside and close with Bennett, but if you can have some revenge, then why not • When the great government in Israeli history is sworn in precisely when a significant percentage of the public groan under the economic burden - one can only hope that the detachment from the people will be stopped.
Applying sovereignty will probably be the only right thing for the coming government
Photo:
Adina Wallman / Speaker of the Knesset
The distribution of Benjamin Netanyahu and Benny Gantz's files and appointments - including the establishment of a new office for Orly Levi-Abaxis - resulted in the establishment of the most bloated government in the history of the country, with a number of unprecedented ministers.
Generally, the larger the government, the more stable it is. Sometimes it is better to pay up front for invented and redundant offices than to later spend money on much more expensive election campaigns. But this, too, needs a boundary and a measure, a trait absent from the government in question. When people are groaning from the burden of earning a living and not knowing how to survive the month with a partial salary - at best - there is nothing more in the eye than detached politicians worrying about jobs and survivors.
For example, the appointment of Orly Levy to Sarah for Strengthening and Promoting Communities has made a mockery of many about the role invented, after other invented roles have long become accustomed to us. The infrastructure portfolio, for example, or regional development, and even the economy and communications began as a temporary solution that remained with us permanently.
Netanyahu dealt with quite a few work arrangements this week. Whether it is the primary consideration or not, taking the right out of government has given him two files for Likud members, as does Gilad Arden's sending to the United Nations. But anyone who wants to find the answer to the sputtering negotiations with the right is better off abandoning the search in the political fields. Because politically, Netanyahu had every reason in the world to close with Bennett as quickly as possible.
The Likud's stomach hurts. While the new government will apply sovereignty in the communities of Judea and Samaria, it is probably the only right thing it will do. On the reform of the judiciary, the High Court and the prosecutor's office, she gave up even before it was established. Other issues related to settlement will be halted, and the new government will rule sovereignty in the Yishuv and the Jordan Valley, but it will probably be the only right thing to do and legal counsel will intensify to dimensions that have never existed, with no deliberate caring and lack of a built-in change to the required changes. Even the government itself will be lost during the government's tenure when, within a year and a half, Prime Minister Bnei Gantz's representative in the left will take office.
Not only for religious Zionism, but also for the Likudite base, Netanyahu had to have a decisive consideration for the right's entry into government. The area in his house will be calmer when Bennett, Ayelet Shaked and Bezalel Smutrich are members of the coalition, and not attack him on the right for anything possible from the opposition. Of the National Camp parties, this is a commodity that only the right can provide to Netanyahu. Neither Aryeh Deri nor Jacob Litzman or Moshe Gaffney are relevant in this regard.
Still, contrary to all political logic, Netanyahu chose not to fight for Bennett and his colleagues.
Right and sideways
The right districts to look for the motives are probably in the realm of psychoanalysis. It is inevitable that if headed by another person, such as Smutrich or Rabbi Peretz, the negotiations would proceed to the signing of an agreement just as with the ultra-Orthodox much earlier, and the right bloc would be fully preserved. But that is not the case. Bennett, and even though the two sometimes seemed to cooperate and sprout in trust, as in their rare coordination on security issues, it doesn't take long and it turns out that this was nothing but an optical mischief. In it, and not in Ayelet Shaked.
But there are elements in the political system that do not explain this explanation enough. Netanyahu is a seasoned and experienced politician most of all. In the past, it has already been proven that any personal or other consideration recedes to a momentary political need. As in the case of Gantz, on which the prime minister has often and twice said that he is unworthy. Netanyahu trusts almost everyone else more than Gantz as prime minister, and yet gave him the role he will take on next November according to coalition agreements.
According to the same logic, the prime minister had to get along with Bennett as well. As he knew how to give him the security file when he needed to, so now he had to give him the health file and close interest. But according to the same assessment, Netanyahu did not need Bennett, as he did In fact, the trial and election results overwhelm him. In a year and a half, Netanyahu has an expiry date. If he made up his mind to retire from political life, no one could threaten him anymore, and if that's the case, what's wrong with some sweet revenge for his hatred? Now out, with Yair Lapid and the joint list.
About the Religious Pet Slot
The health portfolio is not a senior portfolio. Never has been. In the last term, apart from the years Netanyahu and Litzman held him, the portfolio held fairly marginalized figures in the political system: Yael German Mish Atid, Yakov Ben-Izri of the Pensioners Party, Yaakov Edri of Kadima and so on. For Bennett, it was a big ladder to hold on to. To drop from the top government portfolio to a junior portfolio, but to lose respect, thanks to the Corona and the medical crisis that is still underway.
Netanyahu and Edelstein // Photo: Oren Ben Hakon
Following the exchange of allegations on Wednesday, Netanyahu and Bennett agreed to meet. Hours later, the Netanyahu bureau asked to schedule a phone call between the two instead of a meeting. During the conversation, Bennett asked Netanyahu: Why did you appoint Yuli Edelstein as Minister of Health? He didn't ask for the job at all, I do. At first, Netanyahu did not answer. After a brief pause, he dismissed something in style: I had to give him a serious file, and quickly cut the call.
The moment when Edelstein received the health file was when the token fell to Bennett because Netanyahu simply did not want her appointed to be part of the government. The prime minister had no real reason to offer Edelstein this role from all other positions, except for a way to show him, Levant, the way out. In one of the party discussions this week, Smutrich told those present: Leave you, Netanyahu doesn't really negotiate with us.
Netanyahu knows how to negotiate, and it doesn't look like it. When he was important that we run with Rabbi Peretz and Ben-Gvir, he knew how to close us for hours in Balfour and didn't leave us until he achieved what he wanted, at least in part. And then Peretz had to break away from Ben-Madam, and all this was possible after he canceled a planned meeting with Putin for that, Smutrich said, but what's happening now, he continued, is nothing. It's probably not negotiation.
Likud, of course, rejects it. They say Bennett acted greedily. There is nothing more to the six-member party than the proposal put forward by them in the latest news. If the nine-mandated SHS has two ministers, one medium and one small, then even the right with her six can settle for two ministers in the same format. According to them, Netanyahu offered Bennett the education portfolio and another junior portfolio, and it could have been closed if there were no internal struggles Inside the right that prevented an agreement.
Not for any reason, Netanyahu courted with all his might to break into the government alone. There is no real electoral value here, but the contradictory narrative of turning away from religious Zionism also exists. "Religious pet," he called himself the late Uri Orbach in the IDF waves. Netanyahu very much wanted one of his own in his new government.
Even if Likud is right (and rightly claims that Netanyahu did not even mention the education file in a conversation with Bennett), this is not the first time that Netanyahu has had to exercise caution because of internal struggles within parties. The Prime Minister is well aware that Torah Judaism cannot close anything against Litzman without coordinating with Gaffni and vice versa. The division of roles should also be equitable between Agudat Israel and the Torah flag. Otherwise, we are in a mess that cannot be safely departed. Right also consists of three different parties, and things should be done. In coordination and equality, relatively, offering a senior case to one and a junior to another is a recipe for failure.
When Netanyahu proposed to Edelstein to take the health file, Bennett's figure might be floating in front of his eyes, but for the former Knesset chairman, who was surprised by the proposal, a serious dilemma was put before him. He asked Netanyahu for a few hours to think about it.
Of the two cases he was offered, Education and Health, Edelstein chose the other two. This was preceded by the decision not to continue to fight for the Knesset leadership. Edelstein did everything he could in recent weeks to make it clear on his face. Netanyahu made it clear to him that he was not. Of the possibility of being a simple and disgruntled MK in internal opposition to a minister, he finally chose the second option. Whatever Netanyahu's proposal was respectable. These are two worthy cases and statuses. Edelstein's luck was that he wore a crocheted cap.
In the absence of the right, the Minister of Education would become the exclusive address of the yeshivas, studios and preparations that were open to him. The health portfolio, on the other hand, holds a rare opportunity. Adding budgets and healing the health system from the many unrelated squads in Corona. So he decided to go for it. In the coming weeks we will hear a lot about the name Edelstein and the name of the new CEO he chooses.
Quiet, silent
It is now possible to establish with a high degree of certainty that the law enforcement system has failed in handling the Harpaz-Ashkenazi case. Every time in recent years when new information emerged on the matter, those involved in the affair - Gabi Ashkenazi and his deputy Avichai Mandelblit - made it clear that the details of the affair were repeatedly questioned by all law enforcement agencies: from the state comptroller, through the police, the military, the prosecutor's office and the deputy. Q, and in some cases the court, including the Supreme Court, intervened and examined its part, and in all the cases all came out clean and fresh as snow,
but last Friday it became clear that one call was not investigated and did not become clear, after having been called in questionable circumstances as a wiretap.
In response to information brought by Ayala Hasson in News 13, the prosecutor's office unequivocally stated that it was. The same conversation, if it was part of the investigative material, could have greatly complicated the two persons cited in it, and it may not have been just one criminal offense. Perhaps not, by the way. If not researchers, do not know.
And during this time, some journalists are holding other recordings in which conversations between Ashkenazi and Mandelblit are being heard, which are still sealed under a prohibition order, without cause and without justice. Although one is part of the rule of law and the other is a senior member of the party that the rule of law is supposedly a candle to her feet, the two continue to hide under the least legal protection afforded to them and refuse to allow the disinfected sunlight to give the public the ability to judge what really happened in that affair, Benignity in Oceania has not yet taken off from the world.