05/30/2020 - 22:31
- Clarín.com
- Opinion
Argentina is looming at the worst moment of the pandemic just as political and social tension escalates. It would be natural, a little, because of the wear and tear that prolonged quarantine means. Nor is the ruling class used to a cohabitation between the ruling party and the opposition. It is a forced culture at this time. It also affects the decoupling that can begin to be noticed between the agendas of Alberto and Cristina Fernández.
The President is engaged in the fight against the coronavirus. Also with the Minister of Economy, Martín Guzmán, he is still busy with the renegotiation of the debt to avoid default. In both lawsuits he managed to make common cause with the opposition. The head of the Buenos Aires Government, Horacio Rodríguez Larreta, has avoided any friction with Alberto since the pandemic landed. It is the symbol of Let's change in this fight against a disease that, almost exclusively, has been confined to the City and the Suburbs. The opposition coalition, weeks ago, signed a document in support of the government's dealings with creditors.
That presidential front to face the crisis, however, suffers attacks. The fire comes from friendly ranks. It would denote a couple of problems: the lack of recognition still to the presidential authority; the internal ideological bid in the Front of All that boils up at an inconvenient moment .
A spearhead is Axel Kicillof. The Governor of Buenos Aires is the main delegate of the Vice President. He does not miss an opportunity to criticize Rodríguez Larreta. In person or through spokespersons. It has an accompaniment of enormous value: the deputy Máximo Kirchner. Cristina's son. After each attack, the President seems impelled not to be misplaced. Radicalize your speech. He even deprives himself of making decisions that would sound very sensible in the emergency . He never responded to two requests for a hearing made by the Cambiemos leadership.
Cristina's relationship with Rodríguez Larreta comes from afar. She really has it with too many people. Trait of your personality. It is striking, on the other hand, that in the midst of the debt negotiations, the Bicameral Commission has given impetus in the last week, which intends to investigate the indebtedness taken during the previous four years by the Mauricio Macri government. That commission is chaired by Senator José Mayans. Another obedient vice president. The maneuver to unmask would be an alleged flight of capital.
Kirchner's foundations are linear. The former president would have gotten into debt as he did only to favor friends. There is, by the way, circulating a hideous report prepared by the Central Bank led by Miguel Pesce. The story omits, of course, a substantial part. The need for loans, taken with bad expertise, was the derivation of the very heavy inheritance that Macri received from Cristina.
The story revealed other news. The Federal Intelligence Agency (AFI), led by Cristina Caamano, denounced a spy network in that agency in Macrist times. An inquiry request was made against the ex-AFI chief, Gustavo Arribas and against Macri herself. Caamano seeks the imputation of the engineer because that body depends on the head of state. The prosecutor that drives the investigation is Jorge Di Lello. A Peronist who entered the judicial world in the 1990s.
Simultaneously, the Bicameral Intelligence Commission took over the issue to air the issue. It is chaired by Leopoldo Moreau, a brilliant legislator of Alfonsinism who, in his old age, turned to a Christian taliban. The first deliberation turned out to be bland but it would point to one goal: to show that several of those who appear as spies belonged to Macrism. Among them, the former head of the Chamber of Deputies, Emilio Monzó and the current head of the interblock, the radical Mario Negri. A hard pill to swallow within the opposition coalition.
Espionage is part of a chronic disease that democracy in Argentina never knew how to solve. All governments tried to take advantage of this abominable practice. Macri was no exception and, perhaps, he committed the worst of sins. He came with the promise of improving democracy but kept that system intact. He led his friend Arribas, a businessman skilled in the transfer of soccer players. Without notions or intention of how to transform that underworld.
Alberto made an interesting initial decision. The AFI resolved to intervene and block the use of its millionaire reserved funds. He also promised a division of the body. For the task he anointed the prosecutor Caamano, of Legitimate Justice. The woman responds politically to Cristina. It does not have great shadows, except for a previous instance: in 2013 it occupied the decentralized prosecutor's office of Núñez and Saavedra, appointed by the then Attorney General, Alejandra Gils Carbó. Official loyal to the former president. She did so to replace the prosecutor José María Campagnoli, suspended for her eagerness to investigate Lázaro Baez. In that prosecutor's office, complaints about the dismantling carried out by Caama ño rained down .
Another link seemed to complement that chain. The Committee on Legislative Affairs of Deputies rejected a Macri DNU that had arranged to transfer the wiretapping of the Attorney General's Office to the Supreme Court. He did it to avoid the manipulation of Gils Carbó. The eavesdropping will return to the Public Ministry because only the approval of the Senate remains. There the vice president carves. Then it will be necessary to wait for the fate that runs in the upper house of the list of Daniel Rafecas, proposed by the President to fill the position.
With all that plotting Cristina points to several things. In principle, to build a new three-legged story . Establish an old idea, which he made public in the prosecution for the public work, that he was the victim of political persecution . Where the combination of spies, the Judiciary and the media represent the figure of lawfare. Also, insist on Macri's indebtedness and his alleged mole surveillance scheme . A Machiavellian plan to submerge the popular sectors. Perhaps, the refloating of an old Kirchner dream: to equate Macrism with the dictadur a. Battlehorse while the opposition passed by.
The program would be loaded with bumps and contradictions. He cares little. No government like Cristina made persecution and espionage a routine. He has always boasted of having dissolved the old SIDE. The last year of management. He omits that he financed the former chief of the Army, César Milani, the assembly of a parallel intelligence . An episode that Alberto himself, in his other political period, dealt with questioning. Episodes of a severity occurred that only the Argentine faction and short memory forget.
In July 2013, two months after the legislative elections that the government lost, the then candidate of the Renovador Front, Sergio Massa, suffered an assault on his home while no one was there. The complaint was made by his wife, Malena Galmarini. The campaign manager was Alberto. The crime was committed by a prefect. Finally sentenced to prison. There was a previous espionage system in which, allegedly, the SIDE, the Buenos Aires Police and the Prefecture intervened. Massa is now the head of the Chamber of Deputies. His wife leads the AYSA company.
The purification of Justice proclaimed by the President is also fraught with doubts. Kirchnerism protects the Judicial Council from saving Judge Rodolfo Canicoba Corral from prosecution. Alberto, who talks about independent powers, intervened last week to define two causes that surround Cristina: that of the Memorandum of Understanding with Iran and that of the sale of the dollar in the future. Both bombed by K .
It could be said that the President, beyond the objective interference that his public pressure implies, is supported by the delay in these procedures. It would be important for him to be alarmed by other delays covered by the pandemic. The postponement of the trial already started by public works. Or the suspension until the year of the "notebooks of bribes". The Federal Oral Court 5 raised the fair to continue with Los Sauces and Hotesur, where the Kirchner family is involved. Although the trial is still far away.
For Alberto, all those machinations of Cristina are now reckless. We will have to see next year when a new electoral year dawns. With the economy devastated by the pandemic, the Front of All will find any oppositional fragmentation functional. With little, just over a third, they could claim victory. Let's change should resist those tricks. If it resists, the Government has another shortcut: the suspension of the PASO that the counselor Gerónimo Ustarroz discreetly designs. Brother of the Interior Minister, Wado de Pedro. Without that instance, the electoral offer may be scattered.
The horizon is still far away. The President needs political calm to await the gale of the pandemic. Then it will be time to calculate the damage, human and economic . In addition, the search for an exit at the time of paralysis and confinement.
Alberto does not give clues about that. Others do. Kicillof predicted that normality no longer exists. Máximo affirmed that Argentina "will not be able to leave the pandemic as it entered". Always enigmatic and suspicious.