Ignacio Miri
06/11/2020 - 19:10
- Clarín.com
- Politics
To the slaps, as all governments do, Alberto Fernández had started with the trials to build his opposition. The first attempts began a few weeks ago, and now, six months after his arrival at the Casa Rosada , the work was taking some form.
For the President, the existence of a strong and dynamic opposition group is a vital necessity , because it is already known that when there is no political dispute for power with leaders or sectors outside the Government, the battle takes place with those who are inside. . Peronism could fill the entire documentary section of Netflix with stories about that kind of skirmish, but the Front of All has an additional peculiarity: the original push with which he came to the Government comes from someone who is not the President .
Voters had already noticed that subtlety. In some focus groups commissioned by leaders of Together for Change in recent weeks, the idea persisted that the main opposition to Alberto Fernández was Cristina Kirchner, and something similar began to be revealed in the polls, as Clarín reported this week.
The instability of this situation was already clear among the governors such as Juan Manzur and Sergio Uñac, who led Fernández to the idea of becoming the formal and, to the extent possible, real head of the Justicialista Party. The leaders of Peronism dream that the President will order a landscape that is already announced as conflictive for the legislative elections next year. In that electoral turn, there will be no national ballot that requires greater definitions, but the entire political world will be observing and counting how many deputies and how many senators will put Alberto on the lists, and how many Cristina will reserve. That audience will look at 2021 to know what will happen in 2023.
It is true that the ability of officialdom to build a tailored opposition sounds like a fantasy , especially in a context of dissolved parties and fluctuating leadership, but it is also true that, to remain, governments need to foster favorable environments .
Mauricio Macri tried briefly at the start of his government, when he took Sergio Massa on his trip to the 2016 Davos Forum, but that trial lasted three months. That failure was also the triumph of the polarizing agenda that gave such poor results to Macri's management. While it brought her joy in 2017, the constant stirring of the ghost of Cristina's return created the worst business climate imaginable. What yielded inside scared away , and that dilemma left Macri prisoner, who based his economic plans on the possibility of attracting investment and financing from abroad and on the sales of Argentine products to the world.
In the design that the President prefers, the prevailing opponent is Horacio Rodríguez Larreta, with whom he built a cordial bipartisan relationship that today does not exist even in countries much more civilized than the one he had to govern. The problem is that the vice president wants that role to continue to be occupied by her favorite rival in political matters, which is Mauricio Macri. She gave several indications of that predilection in recent days.
Of course, that difference over the imagined opposition actually speaks to the disputes that exist within the Front of All. The Vicentin case is quite eloquent in that regard. What was an intervention with the owners of the company inside proposed by leaders like Omar Perotti ended up being an expropriation plan like those promoted by La Cámpora, for whose bosses the destination of the cereal company is more a step than an accident. In his vision, food sovereignty is linked to energy and also technology, the three pillars that for the think tank coordinated by Máximo Kirchner will be decisive in the world that appears after the pandemic.