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Sovereignty in the Valley will improve the Israeli bargaining position

2020-06-16T21:18:08.620Z


Dan shiftsStrategic moves in Judea and Samaria should be made in concert with the US, balancing the need for realizing Israel's national goals with a satisfactory response to the Palestinians' reluctance and aggression and anxieties. These goals must avoid the actual integration of millions of Palestinians living in Israel. In order to maintain its Jewish, democratic and pluralistic character, responding to...


Strategic moves in Judea and Samaria should be made in concert with the US, balancing the need for realizing Israel's national goals with a satisfactory response to the Palestinians' reluctance and aggression and anxieties. These goals must avoid the actual integration of millions of Palestinians living in Israel. In order to maintain its Jewish, democratic and pluralistic character, responding to Palestinian refusal and aggression and to Jordan's strategic anxieties requires isolating the Palestinian concentration in the West Bank, and indirectly the millions in Gaza, from the Hashemite kingdom, in order to serve the first need not to apply the sovereignty to Israel. shaming; In order to ensure a response to the Palestinians and Jordan, it is worth striving to establish Israel's permanent control over the Jordan Valley.

The institutionalization of control requires the elimination of the response based on technology and foreign presence for the security of Israel and Jordan. What Israel needs is not information about the threat and hope that someone else will respond to it before it is too late, but a deterrent that will give it a very good chance of being prevented, and an Israeli force will decide it at the test. General John Allen, US Secretary of State John Kerry's security adviser, proposed in 2014 a plan based on much goodwill and little understanding of the Middle East; Calling dedicated U.S. officers, who have promised their country operative achievements, in the midst of strategic failure in Afghanistan and Iraq. The plan included Palestinian sovereignty in the Jordan Valley. Addressing Israel's concerns consisted of sensors, UAVs, satellites and other technological means. They also discussed foreign, possibly American, forces being deployed along the Jordan River and the possibility of a US-Israeli agreement on the conditions for US support for unilateral moves by Israel as a response. To its security threats. 

Such a format is infinitely worse than the absence of an arrangement. Without it, Israel acts strongly against a threat when it emerges, and diplomats protest after the decision is reached. Since the decolonization in the middle of the last century, the fate of a foreign military presence in the sovereign territory of a hostile state was doomed. This format will reject and uproot the Israeli response, providing the Palestinians with an effective tool for disputing and forcing Israeli relations with the US. The risk of American soldiers' lives in defense (other forces are a sad joke) will eliminate Israel's independent discretion in its essential matters. Constant friction and provocations are  

such a detrimental feature to be removed from the chapter. If the current state of the valley could be assured, it would not have to be considered sovereignty now. Its main cost is the resurgence of discussion of the Palestinian issue and its distress in Jordan. The EU and some of its unfriendly countries could be harmful. Anti-Israeli initiatives will be formed in the UN and The Hague. Public opinion in the Arab world may arise. The Palestinians, as always, will rage. Jordan will have to protest vigorously and maybe suspend diplomatic relations and return its ambassador. All these are severe, but if Joe Biden is elected The United States will return to the barren route that strives for an agreement between Israel and the Palestinians and the starting point for the Allen program. Applying sovereignty over the valley will improve the Israeli bargaining position in the fight against this unbearable format.

Jordan is expected to return to its constant pattern of confrontation in all its conflicts: rejoice in Israel's achievements in its heart and scream full-throated for the benefit of the Palestinians. The physical differentiation of the Hashemite kingdom from the aggressive subversion of the Palestinians west of the Jordan reassures the Amman regime. The need to differentiate himself from Israel, due to the outrage of radicals among his Palestinian population and the Muslim Brotherhood's support of the kingdom, stirs the king's reactions. This has been the case for decades, and so will probably be later. 

Dr. Dan Schifften is the head of the International Security Program at the University of Haifa and lecturer in security studies programs at Tel Aviv University

For more Dan Shiftan opinions

Source: israelhayom

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