Netanyahu should not now be discouraged from fully implementing the plan to apply sovereignty in the Jordan Valley, the northern Dead Sea and settlement blocs in Samaria, Benjamin and Etzion. Netanyahu is a careful statesman. He, for example, failed to allow Hamas to dictate to Israel its strategic agenda and postponed the struggle for us at the right time. On the other hand, he did not shy away from a head-on clash with Barack Obama in the US Senate and carried an unusual attack on the nuclear deal with Iran. He has shown in the last decade the ability to adhere to his distinctions between the main thing and not the deviation. But now his maneuverability and decisiveness are being tested in a vital arena.

We do not know what is going on between the loose Netanyahu-Gantz government and the Trump administration, which is rocking its feet against Corona and restraining progressive attacks. There are news - maybe journalistic manipulations? - The Trump administration has empowered Gantz and requires Netanyahu to consider his aversion to clashes with Jordan or other international officials. Others report rope withdrawals among various elements within the Trump administration for and against full implementation of the sovereignty program. And another report, also in this paper, on intentions to reduce and apply sovereignty only in the settlement blocs or even only in part.

The composition of the government complicates the picture. In all the previous times when the State of Israel applied the law in parts of the West Bank, in 1949, 1967 and 1981, these were actions of their own accord, against the fierce opposition of the powers, and without supporting allies. But today we have not elected ourselves a government Half of the ministers, white paintbrush and the Labor Party have been dragged, loyal to the idea that Israel will only do what the "world" allows it to do. now. If there is a backlash within the Trump administration, he could easily lean on Gantz and Ashkenazi and stop Netanyahu. However, Netanyahu has no government to make an independent move against me, although it is clear that the current US government response will be even softer than the Reagan administration's response after applying sovereignty in the Golan, a reaction that did not really hurt Israel. Another obstacle that interferes with Netanyahu's plan to apply sovereignty comes to his right, with some of the heads of settlers, who are alarmed by the "minus state" in 70 percent of the territories, an unfulfilled state.

The ideas of asserting sovereignty in only a portion of the territory vital to Israel are unsuccessful, especially as far as the intention is to skip the valley. Without disrespecting the settlement blocs and the delegates to the valley, our most important strategic interest is Israeli sovereignty over the Jordan, because it frustrates the Palestinians' hopes of joining the Arab world and the foundation of the attack on Israel on a campaign of immigration and terrorism. What is the point of asserting sovereignty in other regions, and then being harmed in a fierce international struggle - without securing our primary interest? 

Therefore, if discussed during a limited, prior hatching. But the whole idea of ​​a limited move is unsuccessful. We will not be attacked any less if we flinch and reduce the scope of applying sovereignty, and a split move will only allow our opponents to better organize themselves in the fight. The State of Israel needs to define its vital interests and determine them in the course of one, which will require a short confrontation with those who seek to "punish" it because of it and a long struggle to establish it. Our interests were well defined in the plan presented a few months ago: the incorporation of the valley and the settlement blocs into our sovereign territory that would require the citizenship of only a few Arab residents.

You have to understand what the price will be if we flinch now. Fortunately, "our friend" President Barack Obama has opened a window into what might happen. He probably planned to pass in the UN Security Council a resolution that the dangerous 1967 borders would be Israeli-Palestinian borders. Anyone who does not now assert sovereignty over the Jordan will receive the Palestinians there in the not too distant future.