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The disappointment of Boris Johnson, the opportunity for Trump and Netanyahu

2020-07-03T06:17:28.319Z


Carolyn HappinessIran's Century Plan and Implementation of Sanctions Provide a Decisive Opportunity for Netanyahu and Trump to Prove that They Fulfilled • They Don't Want to Remember as Boris Johnson's Disappointment Time and Time  Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu should not be moved by the "British advice" of British Prime Minister Boris Johnson. Those who followed the UAE ambassador, Yusuf al-'Ohiba, and wrote...


Iran's Century Plan and Implementation of Sanctions Provide a Decisive Opportunity for Netanyahu and Trump to Prove that They Fulfilled • They Don't Want to Remember as Boris Johnson's Disappointment Time and Time 

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu should not be moved by the "British advice" of British Prime Minister Boris Johnson. Those who followed the UAE ambassador, Yusuf al-'Ohiba, and wrote a column in Yedioth Ahronoth in which he made it clear that he hoped the annexation would not come to fruition, turns out to be a major disappointment for Israel in general. 

Israel's hopes of British prime minister were very quickly disappointed. Trump with Johnson // Photo: IP

This is not new. As early as 2017, while serving as Secretary of State in Theresa May's government, Johnson was exposed as a principled man in foreign policy. Even at the height of the fight for the Barcasit, Johnson chose to bend fully to the EU and the British Foreign Office to the detriment of Israel, the United States and the benefit of Iran and the PLO. 

When the Trump administration left the UN Human Rights Council because of its inherent anti-Semitism and anti-Americanism, then-Secretary of State Johnson rushed to Geneva, pleaded with the council and swore allegiance. When the Trump administration renounced the nuclear agreement, Johnson aligned with the EU Together with France and Germany to establish a financial mechanism to circumvent US sanctions. Today, when the administration is working to extend Iran's international arms embargo before it expires in October, the British PM has not raised a finger other than lip service for the US move.

A gap between words and deeds

When Johnson entered the Foreign Office, the Israelis had high hopes for the Barracks man. However, in March 2017, before his official visit to Israel with Prime Minister (and then Foreign Minister) Netanyahu, he conducted a tour with Peace Now leaders in Area E1 near Maale Adumim. When asked if he also intended to meet with Yesha Council leaders, Johnson smirked at the very idea. For him, Netanyahu was the opposite of peace now. In doing so, the British guest gave equal weight to a radical Israeli government. Johnson adopted the anti-Semitic coin of John Kerry and his friends when he said that Israel has only two alternatives - a complete withdrawal to the 1949 lines (the so-called two-state solution) or the state of apartheid, is true, he preferred the anti-Semitic Labor Party Jeremy Corbyn, and so Israel had a good reason to breathe well in the elections Last year, but the fact that he is not a sworn enemy does not make him a true friend. 

Johnson's unwillingness to renounce the hostile foreign policy to the US and Israel - and by the way to Britain's independence - means that at least in this area, the legacy he will leave is a weakness. The man who led Britain out of the EU to restore national independence and ensure Johnson's behavior with Iran and Israel is particularly disappointing because it exposes a huge gap between his words and his actions. He was quick to stand on the side of Israel and the United States in his spectacular and colorful style. And now, being able to be an ally to us and America, he does not have the mental strength to part with the establishment and its tired and erroneous conventions.

And that brings us to President Donald Trump on the one hand and Netanyahu on the other. Like Johnson, they too are now under test. So far, Trump has been able to back up his anti-establishment stance on Iran and Israel, as well as on many other issues in his actions. As for Iran, Trump said he would renounce the nuclear agreement that Barack Obama had signed with Iran, and he did. He said Iran would be sanctioned to prevent the world's largest terrorist sponsor from being able to support its citizens and support its terrorist protests, and he did so. 

Today this policy of Trump is in danger. If it does not act decisively, the Security Council embargo on Iran will expire in October, and it will be able to import new weapons systems from anywhere. If he fails to collapse the nuclear agreement and lose to Joe Biden in November, the latter will immediately fulfill his promise to restore the United States to the nuclear agreement, even though Iran will be a nuclear arsenal, and the Ayatollah regime will survive at least another generation.

To create another reality

As for Israel and the Palestinians, Trump said he would not repeat the mistakes of all his predecessors in the last generation, and set out on a new path. His recognition of Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and the transfer of the embassy were a sign of his seriousness. Trump's peace plan, based on the correct distinction that the root of the conflict is the Palestinians' historic refusal to accept the existence of the Jewish state, is proof that his words and actions are one. But all those achievements are in danger of being erased now. If he decides to shake off his willingness to recognize Israeli sovereignty over parts of Judea and Samaria as he declared in the White House in January, then the international community, including the Democrats, will fall for his legacy and erase it. Gulf Arabs who have tightened their cooperation with Israel thanks to the backing Trump has given to Jerusalem will feel that it is better for them to go with Europeans and Democrats, Trump is no longer serious. 

What is true of President Trump is true of Prime Minister Netanyahu. From its first date in the Prime Minister's Office in 1996, the most identified issue with Netanyahu is the fight against the Iranian nuclear program. There is no one in the universe more identified with this struggle than Netanyahu. Today, according to UN inspectors Iran on the verge of independent nuclear capability and arms embargo is about to expire, his life's work is under test.

When he met with Secretary of State John Hook on Tuesday, Netanyahu said it was time to apply the "snap back" sanctions on Iran. According to the agreement, all UN sanctions removed upon the closure of the nuclear agreement should return if Iran violates its nuclear restrictions. The Americans threaten to exercise their authority to implement this mechanism, and Netanyahu's role in paving the way for this action. Here, Netanyahu is on the verge that nuclear Iran will be a global disaster, but for Netanyahu it will also be a personal failure.

And finally the Palestinians: In 1996, Netanyahu was elected prime minister for his opposition to the leftist Oslo process. True, Oslo failed just as he and his friends warned he would fail. But for all the years he was prime minister, Netanyahu did not obliterate Oslo because he did not replace him with another initiative. His sovereignty plan is the opportunity to lead Israel to a different reality with the Palestinians and with the entire world. 

Oslo is based on a denial of Israel's rights and the payment of lip service to its security needs. The sovereignty program is based on international recognition of Israel's rights and genuine consideration of its security needs. If Netanyahu stands firm and fulfills his plan now, he will be remembered as a historic leader. If he bends down, he will be remembered as the big miss in the history of the country. Johnson's Israeli version.

For more views of Carolyn Glick

Source: israelhayom

All news articles on 2020-07-03

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