Like Eric Sharon, Avichai Mandelblit learned that in order to survive he must deliver the goods.

• From "Stalin's Dead!" (2017)

It took me a while to complete the puzzle. Understanding how the investigation of the Alps was carried out or more precisely why Mandelblit lived at peace with the pollution of the investigation from its inception, with its selective enforcement, with the extortion of witnesses, with its precedent. Why? Where is his basic fairness? 

The expositions of Ayala Hasson and Yoav Yitzhak, Commissioner David Rosen's report, closed the corner for me. Mendelblit and the prosecutor's office had a distorted relationship. Liat Ben Ari conceived the precedent thesis that Shai Nitzan backed every whim and the Supreme Court wanted to become a supreme judge. The facts, as Rosen describes, even if Rosen dismissed them for improper conduct, prove that Nitzan and the prosecutor's office held the cause of Mendelblit's case to be held hostage. 

Another thing is talking and it is coming, the permit issue has sprung up. The Avichai Mandelblit District Court ruled that Netanyahu should not be allowed a completely transparent financial aid, which would allow him to deal with a legal process that Mandelblit himself led against Netanyahu while investing heavily in state resources. When Mandelblit was a commissar and entangled, he received no legal representation. Three lawyers. Free for him, your taxes paid the bill. 

The permit committee contacted Mandelblit with a specific question. Can a witness fund a defendant. And what did he do instead of saying yes or no? Improved attitudes towards the trial and banned Netanyahu from taking any kind of funding. Notice, the opinion is dipped in conflict of interest up to the neck. After all, there is no dispute that after the indictment Mandelblit will do everything to convict. If only one of the charges would lead to an earthquake, just the Yom Kippur of the State Attorney's Office. 

The prosecutor's office, with all the power behind the state, seeks to paralyze the possibility of the prime minister fighting. First they took away from him the two confidants that Marron had led in an affair that was never created. Then, while trampling on any known rule, his other associates became state witnesses, and are now trying to strangle him financially. 

The legal battle against Netanyahu reveals the method. It's a camp mentality, for years now. These are methods that accompany the leftist, socialist camp since the beginning of the French Revolution, when the nonsense of the misanthrope Russo made skin and tendons into the monster that was the Jacobite faction. But there was one, in the '70s, who drafted their methods best. So come on a trip to Chicago in 1970, getting to know Sol Alinsky. Alinsky, a Jew of course, was the combination of an accountant and a street bully. Marxist, corporate genius, and also activist who spilled 2,000 rats at the entrance to the Chicago City Hall. Alinsky is a mythical figure on the American left.

Barack Obama was greatly influenced by him. Hillary Clinton learned from him personally. In 1971, prior to his death, Alinsky wrote his life's work - "Rules for Radicals." The rules for radical, which is described as a pragmatic guide to the realist radical. 

Alinsky’s first law - power is not just what you have, but what the enemy thinks you have. What is the job of Attorney General? Is the Supreme Court allowed to pass laws? Does a transitional government have fewer powers than a regular government? These questions, which in ordinary reality were buried in the textbooks in citizenship, are the most burning issues in Israeli society. In a decades-long calculated grab, Aharon Barak led a tectonic change in the Israeli system of government. From democracy to Rehavia's rule. That's the fight. 

But he is not alone. His greatest assistants are the right-wing governments of their generations. While the second Rabin government passed a cease-fire, Netanyahu was afraid of his own shadow and Barak and his successors could increase their power far beyond their authority. Years of fear of hegemony did their job. Right-wing politicians do not touch the government. From the moment we became convinced that their power was in law, we lost the campaign. They won the battle for consciousness.

Laws 7, 8 - Tactics that last too long become a burden, keep applying pressure and don't let go. In this line, Netanyahu's struggle for hegemony over the last decade can be summarized. Every day a new tactic. At first they told us he was just talking. Then pressed and sweaty. They said he attacked journalists, and was too busy with the press. We will not forget the political isolation they promised us. They have been pushing Netanyahu to the end, trying to make him retire for years. 

Rule 11 - Violence from the other side can cause public opinion to lean in your direction because the public is sympathetic to the underdog. No need to expand. The notices of security guards attached to attorneys, the Lynch in Abramovich, alleging incitement to harm gatekeepers. Everything is meant to make the strongest group in the Israeli public look threatened by the barbarians at the gate. It is not a criticism they will say, it is a dangerous incitement. 

But the really important law, the one that explains the story, is the last law - attacking people rather than institutions. People get hurt faster than institutions. And the facts are known, since the beginning of the pre-state settlement until today, the left has adopted this method.

Netanyahu is not alone: All right-wing leaders have gone through this demonization path. Jabotinsky called Vladimir Hitler. Begin was a murderer in his life and a martyr in his death. To Shamir, Fouad Ben-Eliezer God will keep inventing "corrupt, tired." Fuad. And now Netanyahu.

Eric Sharon also embarked on this pursuit, until, in order to defend himself, he joined the disengagement camp. The man accused of being a dangerous general and responsible for the Sabra and Shatila slaughter became the hero of his accusers. 

This is the method. To tattoo the right, he must not deal with this fair debate, positions and facts for the weak. It must be tattooed and pursued relentlessly. The power of hostility is to prevent a decent discourse and is intended to prevent the right from a fair ability to persuade the public and advance its view.

Into the picture comes Netanyahu, a right-wing leader who gnaws on left-wing hegemony and the power of hegemony, so does hate and persecution.

The persecution has been insane since the Left's loss in the 2015 election, and what the Left has not achieved democratically is working to achieve through its people in the law enforcement system. Mandelblit experienced the severe persecution at the beginning of his term, and, like Eric Sharon, learned that in order to survive he must deliver the goods, and only one and only Netanyahu's head.

We've all seen the selective, precocious enforcement, the leaks - but when all this, Mendelblit prevents Netanyahu, a huge public electorate, from getting proper legal protection, it's proof that the Alinsky method and hostility outweighed not only the legal aspect, but also the minimum ethics.