Santiago Fioriti
07/11/2020 - 23:55
- Clarín.com
- Politics
" Be careful, " Eduardo Duhalde told Alberto Fernández. In 2002 one day I went out for a walk in the gardens of Olivos and I saw the river.
The river, of course, did not exist. " I was very exhausted," Duhalde recalled, as a warning about the delicate balances that must be made at the peak of power so as not to enter into a personal crisis. "At that time I had some teams brought from an Adventist clinic that massaged me , " he told him.
-Calm down, look I'm taking care of myself. I go for a walk and I'm on a diet. I'm fine- answered Alberto, that for some reason it is not allowed to protect him.
-Yes, but be careful, this is long, huh- Duhalde insisted.
Only seven months have just passed since Fernández took office. More than half of the period was consumed by the ups and downs of the pandemic. It is difficult to find any mark of its administration outside the management of the quarantine. The economic and social crisis facing your government is huge. The first president, beyond what his followers can transmit, took note of the flag of July 9. The images and testimonies were eloquent. The opposition perfume of the mobilization should not deceive the Casa Rosada. The general discontent is due to the running of the bulls, but it does not end there.
In the last days, Fernández seemed to rush the plan for the next stage. He instructed his economy minister, Martín Guzmán, to seek new approaches with the most rebellious bondholders. A debt settlement would be the starting point. The President aspires to streamline management with public works announcements - which hopefully will only be launched next year - and with a series of projects that he already has ready to send to Congress, ranging from money laundering to a new one formula for retirement mobility. But these texts frequently have some objection from Cristina . The vice president oversees the hottest topics. Especially one.
In recent days, he has pressed hard again for reform of the Supreme Court. On his list of preferences, judicial reform, which also worries him, comes next. The substantial difference is that in this second project he would have agreed with Alberto on the central axes, although they still have some pending talk to adjust details. The draft is ready and could be sent to Parliament later this week or the next. It will enter by the Senate, where the oficialismo has majority.
The initiative is not the original one, which Gustavo Béliz commanded, and which proposed, among other points, coupling the 12 current federal courts to those of the economic criminal jurisdiction and to the Buenos Aires national courts. The intervention of Béliz, as in distant times, from time to time is limited . Changes in the operation of Commodore Py will be sure, because the objective is still to reduce its firepower, but it will be a reform with little pleasure for those who spoke of an epic battle.
The issue of the Court is more sensitive and is dominated by discrepancies. The president never wanted or had in his head to expand the number of members. Even today, he resists and has given arguments, without success, to his partner. For Cristina it is an obsession. She propels her.
Alberto would yield in the short term against that claim. With some makeup to cushion the claims, always extreme, of the former president. The creation of an expert commission - which will have a pompous name - is underway, which will be convened by decree. It would be the presidential shortcut to buy time on an issue that will bring controversy with the opposition. Hard Kirchnerism accelerates. He wants to change the profile of the highest Court, which today has five judges. And, like everything she wants, she wants it now.
At first he had thought that the future Court would have to have nine judges. Today that number is old. He intends to bring it to 12 and that only three of those magistrates can deal with criminal matters, which are the ones that complicate Christianity. In other words, not all of its components could intervene in the rulings -as it happens nowadays-, since each group would have a specialty within the different branches of law.
The fight today is to see who joins that commission of specialists, which would have no less than 50 representatives. " They put names on and off like a football team," described a front-line Cabinet official. In Cristina's environment they have several candidates. Among them, Eugenio Zaffaroni .
Just as the ruling party has Cristina in its shadow, the same occurs in the opposition with Mauricio Macri. The engineer ended his silence in an interview with Alvaro Vargas Llosa and, two days later, he reacted with a certain euphoria, unusual for him, in the face of the massive protest against the Government. "He needed a release after several weeks of tension with the espionage charges," admit his collaborators.
Those media movements of the former president exposed noise and contradictions in the Juntos por el Cambio inmate, something that had already appeared before the brutal murder of Fabián Gutiérrez, when the three parties that make up the space signed the same statement. "A crime of extreme institutional gravity," it was titled. Some leaders, with the passing of the hours, seemed to regret and slipped that they allowed themselves to be carried away by the vehemence of the Macri-Patricia Bullrich duo, who at this point also joined the radical Alfredo Cornejo.A senior former Macrista official, aware of the zigzagging of certain allies, pronounced out loud: "Why did they sign then? This is not for crap . "
The underlying dispute is always the same. Where Should You Go Together for Change? Horacio Rodríguez Larreta believes that towards moderation. He was the first strong opposition leader to question the acts of violence against C5N journalists in the Obelisk. Along this path of standing in the center of the ideological arc that he intends to face towards 2023, he is accompanied by María Eugenia Vidal, several radicals such as the Jujuy governor Gerardo Morales and Elisa Carrió. Task not suitable for anxious . "The government tells us: 'Come, come closer, we want love', and the next day it hits you with everything," says Bullrich.
The former president questioned the model of social and compulsory isolation that Fernández implemented. He called for a balance "between health prevention and people's mental and occupational health" and "don't let yourself be carried away by fear." Vidal, it is not known whether she was aware of her contradiction or not, said 24 hours later that she was "pro quarantine." There is often talk of short circuits in Together for Change. Those short circuits exist, but they become more intense and evident in the PRO. Alberto takes advantage. This week he called Rodríguez Larreta a "friend". That seduction game exists. Until a few months ago, faces had never been seen.
Macri remains, despite the resistance of a sector that prefers him far from the microphones and perhaps from the public scene, the most decisive actor in the anti-K coalition. As Cristina was in the opposition when Cambiemos governed. With Macri it is difficult, without Macri it is impossible. That ambivalence is here to stay.