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Changes in the AFIP to benefit the "Game Czar"

2020-07-31T01:40:21.656Z


The tax moratorium is a necessary measure for the entire economy. But they included "tailored" articles in their text.


07/30/2020 - 22:23

  • Clarín.com
  • Opinion

The AFIP created a new bureaucratic structure to oil and facilitate the rescue of companies from the "Game Czar". It happened a few days ago and aims to overcome the internal resistance of officials that exist in the AFIP to grant special help to the controversial Cristóbal López.

The decision was endorsed by Mercedes Marcó del Pont and was made through internal provision number "DI-2020-126-E-AFIP." It is dated July 22 and establishes a reorganization to transfer all related issues in "bankruptcy and bankruptcy" to the new area.

The career officials of the AFIP interpret that the measure aims to facilitate a "bailout" for the firms of the Kirchner businessman. Until now, the career officials of the AFIP have rejected the requests of the "Czar of the Game" to make agreements and settlements for their multimillion-dollar tax debts.

Recently, the Large Taxpayers Directorate issued a categorical opinion and Lopez's offer rebounded. It was a request to accept a payment plan and lift the bankruptcy of Oil Combustibles.

López accumulates a fabulous debt with the State: an initial evasion of 8,000 million pesos. In Cristina's time she obtained 50 common and 2 special payment plans , and with that money she expanded her businesses. That internal opinion of Large Taxpayers stopped any attempt at a salvage. Marcó del Pont - the head of the AFIP - used that report to block the multiple political pressures she received to help the "Tsar of the Game."

The argument was concrete: the head of the AFIP transmitted to the Casa Rosada that she could not do "favors and concessions" with a professional opinion against López's request. Now, the unforeseen internal "restructuring" of the AFIP enables a central issue: to remove the file of the bankruptcy of the "Tsar of the game" from the Directorate of Large Taxpayers.

In other words: it enables the creation of a new opinion and an interpretation in favor of the claims of the Kirchner businessman . The new provision of Marcó del Pont has eight articles. Establishes the creation of the Directorate of Universal Trials: it will concentrate all claims and also that of Cristóbal López. There is unrest among the qualified career officials of the AFIP. They insist: these modifications would allow the Directorate of Universal Trials to make a new (and benevolent) opinion on the bankruptcy of the oil company Oil Combustibles and enable aid. The issue has a high political tension. López works the operation with Ricardo Echegaray.

He also has strong ties to Cristina and direct arrival at the Casa Rosada. It happens when Congress deals with a moratorium tailored to the southern businessman.

The tax moratorium is a necessary measure for the entire economy. But "custom" articles were included in its text . Those "benefits" have no legal history. In the last December, this same government did not include them in the approved moratorium.

In the history of the AFIP, there were no benefits - payment facilities plan - to the bankrupt companies. Now that exception is made and that clearly benefits López.

Martín Guzmán dialogues with governors and is at the forefront of the tense debt negotiation.

Maximiliano Ferraro, of the Civic Coalition, will make a presentation on the matter this Friday in Congress. Máximo Kirchner's block will kick back: it will insist that firms linked to Macrism also benefit from the moratorium. Between them. the Macri Family Courier and Nicolás Caputo companies. Thus, a kind of "rinse" is proposed. A "give and take" where the ends of the crack benefit. The deputies of Juan Schiaretti and those of Misiones will facilitate the voting to the Casa Rosada. Córdoba and Misiones would also receive perks.

Meanwhile, the economic crisis is heading for a "perfect storm." Judicial reform appears at an inopportune moment: when the priority of society is clearly another. The proposal came after Cristina Kirchner's complaints to Alberto Fernández. It happened in a couple of meetings in the beginning of May and also in June. The vice president –in privacy– complained about the Casa Rosada's ineffectiveness to resolve her judicial situation . She also expressed annoyance because - in turn - no one from Macrismo was denounced.

In the UIA they maintain that these maneuvers further complicate the economy. They want a full-time President busy in the crisis and not opening battle fronts.

Alberto had a private meeting with the CEO of the electric company ENEL. Nicolás Melchotti got to the point: "Do you want to take Edesur's license and nationalize the service?" The President replied: "No". But he added: "It is not my vocation, but Edesur must resolve the cuts in the popular neighborhoods."

This week, Roberto Lavagna was very hard on Martín Guzmán . For the first time he questioned the minister in public. He criticized Economy's decision to transform debt in pesos to debt in dollars. Recently, the objections were in private, during a dialogue that Lavagna had with businessmen.

This Thursday night, Guzmán had a solo meeting with the President. Both evaluated extending the terms of the external agreement: the closure would not be next Tuesday and would be extended until August 28. The extension reflects that Argentina would not be assured of a minimum acceptable adherence to its proposal. The minister notified another issue: that acceptance will reach 94% of local bondholders with dollar debt. An "memo" from Economics reads as follows: This anticipates a massive success in the swap with local law.

But the central problem is another: the negotiation with the "wolves" of Wall Street was bogged down again. A week ago the deal was almost closed and now personal matters have frozen everything. The difference is negligible and the proposal was to divide the costs and close at 54.9%.

Political leaders of the Front of All question the minister. Because they say that he is tied to the Columbia professorship and does not have the pragmatism necessary to close the agreement. But the brake on the agreement is due to multiple shortcomings , egos and greed : both parties show clear limitations to close an agreement that creditors and officials declare to seek. This week in Manhattan, Jennifer O'Neill accused Martín Guzmán of not wanting to negotiate and only trying to impose conditions. Gerardo Rodríguez - his alter ego - insists on asking for the head: "As long as Guzman is there, there will be no agreement."

The bondholders have already obtained many concessions from Argentina: Guzmán's initial proposal was modified and raised the payment by 15,000 million dollars. They want more and that forces the President to harden the position and to strengthen the minister. The bondholders now want to snub the minister: they ask to close the agreement with the President in a direct dialogue between Alberto and Larry Fink, the BlackRock boss. The advisory banks of Argentina have another part of the negligence: they were unable to smooth over rough edges, bring positions closer together and propose a solution.

Lazard, HSBC, and Bank of America charge succulent fees - $ 60 million - but have not suggested an idea to overcome the differences. Everyone blames themselves for the failure, as the economy moves down a slide and workers and businessmen swim in the midst of a fierce tsunami.

Source: clarin

All news articles on 2020-07-31

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