08/22/2020 - 22:01
- Clarín.com
- Opinion
Alberto Fernández already knows that he does not have the votes to approve the judicial reform in Deputies. If everything continues like this, with the furious logic of the ruling party clouded by the opposition march of 17, defeat is guaranteed. And if the logic of intransigence were maintained, that result would be a real disaster for the Government. Adding another failure to the serious miscalculation of Vicentin's interruptus expropriation, in the midst of this economic debacle, could further ignite the debate between Olivos and Cristina Kirchner.
The impact of the opposition protest was responded to with the declaration of public service for cell phones, Internet and cable television, a very serious advance on rights and freedoms . This new radicalization stroke of the President may be another concession to Cristina, with whom he disagrees on the way to achieve judicial reform.
The Parrilli amendment, sneakily introduced into the bill, is an outburst that expresses that bid . The Neuquén senator introduced the clause against journalism, which even a lay person knows is a serious unconstitutional gag , when it was already rumored that a message from Olivos had reached the opposition Senate bench with signs of moderation and dialogue. Parrilli, that is Cristina, further toughened a reform that will be approved in the Senate but will run aground in the other House. Why did Cristina accelerate the times and authorize Parrilli to this provocation? To show strength after the opposition march even knowing that the project as it is has no chance of becoming law. The vice president acts as if she controls the entire Congress. Thus, it puts in difficulties to Fernández and Massa, who will carry the weight of a defeat .
Fernandez already ate Vicentin's mistake. He believed that they were going to live it by the expropriation but he obtained a closed repudiation. Now the risk is greater.
The President cannot explain why he wants to reform the Justice right now. Nor why did he appoint Cristina's lawyer to the commission of notables, who have called her Beraldi ever since. Both decisions, which Fernández claims as his own, reveal improper errors of a skillful tactician.
He did much better when society perceived that his decisions benefited the whole.
The opposition demands that the reform project be withdrawn to sit down and talk, something that Fernández cannot do nor can he uninvite Beraldi.
The lifeline that Olivos plans to tend so that the reform continues to breathe is to wait for the Senate to comply with Cristina's plan, to try to open a broad negotiation in Deputies and modify the project.
The objective: to achieve a consensus so broad that they facilitate an approval that prevents the Senate, and Cristina, from insisting on her project.
For that, he needs the opposition to agree to sit down and negotiate on topics that it has already said it will not do and, also, that the Kirchnerism led by Máximo agrees to amend the plan for his boss. Something difficult.