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Guaidó's environment fears that Capriles' appeal will destroy the structure created in the opposition

2020-09-03T19:33:16.934Z


The orthodox sector of the Venezuelan opposition believes that the Capriles movement would make cohabitation with Maduro official


A man walks in front of a graffiti with a message rejecting the president of Venezuela, Nicolás Maduro, on August 21 in Caracas.RAYNER PENA R / EFE

In the domains of the Interim Presidency, the body created by Juan Guaidó, who still dozens of countries recognize as the president in charge of Venezuela - and, very especially, in the bowels of the Popular Will party - the statements of Henrique Capriles breaking the unitary ranks and calling to participate in the parliamentary elections scheduled for December 6, have been interpreted as treason.

The leaders of this opposition sector believe that Capriles is clear that there is little he will be able to do in the legislative elections called by Nicolás Maduro.

Their true objective, they maintain, is to end the leadership of Juan Guaidó, and in addition to what has been built on the presidential platform, which, as is known, has no real power to govern, but which enjoys the recognition of a large part of the international community, including the United States, the European Union, and the Organization of American States.

On Wednesday, Capriles, one of the historical leaders of the Venezuelan opposition, was more drastic and spoke particularly dismissively of the interim presidency, arguing that it is "a government of the internet."

The position of the two-time former presidential candidate leaves Juan Guaidó and his goals as an opposition leader in a particularly vulnerable state.

At the bottom of this crisis, a new chapter of the extremely tough political confrontation that Capriles and Leopoldo López - Guaidó's political chief - has been starring for years, two leaderships of similar age who have faced many problems to cohabit and who have starred in serious crises in the past in the internal universe of the opposition.

What the opposition leaders of the so-called G-4, the group of the main opposition parties, fear most is that, by daring to go to elections with the marked cards, Capriles is content to assume his defeat, even with the votes to triumph, and, having an acceptable legislative bench as consolation, ended up being part of the mechanism to sweep away everything that Guaidó has achieved so far: the assets seized from Chavismo, the frozen accounts from corruption, the position in the Organization of American States, the sanctions against Maduro's leadership, the return of the seized gold to his dominions and the total international legitimation of his dictatorship.

With which the entire foundation of the current opposition strategy would collapse.

Thus, instead of letting it go, invoking freedom of conscience or waiting for an autonomous development of its initiative, the opposition grouped behind Guaidó has decided to go out and confront Capriles.

In this sector, there is a feeling that this Capriles initiative is being pushed by the Spanish government of Pedro Sánchez, but in particular by Josep Borrell, high representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs.

According to this version, in some areas of Europe there is a hurry to stabilize the Venezuelan situation at any cost and get rid of its long burden, closing the debate on impunity and legitimacy at once, a goal that is shared by the Government and Nicolás Maduro.

This trend could be strengthened with the eventual triumph of Joe Biden in the US presidential elections.

Although there are nuances in the approach, Capriles' approaches end up having some important symmetries with Henri Falcón and the members of the National Dialogue Table, which groups together a group of minority opposition parties.

In general, and with their exceptions, the Capriles announcements fell ill with the opposition orthodoxy.

Neither Guaidó, nor Leopoldo López, nor the so-called interim government has formally answered Capriles' statements.

The 15 political parties that support Guaidó, which include the largest of the opposition, maintain their decision not to attend elections under those conditions for the time being without fissures and have distanced themselves from Capriles' position.

The inexistence of a real alternative to face the thesis of attending parliamentary elections "whatever it is", however, makes some fear that defections in favor of Capriles will take place as the weeks go by.

Capriles would take with him Stalin González, a leader who has just resigned from his party, Un Nuevo Tiempo, and probably a small nucleus of members of Primero Justicia, his original party.

Being a charismatic and energetic leader, it is almost certain that after his proposal there will be new adhesions.

Capriles will personally promote the participation of democratic society in elections that have been branded as rigged inside and outside of Venezuela.

However, he will not personally register to participate, since he is subject to a political disqualification of the institutions of Chavismo.

That veto prevented him from being a presidential candidate in the 2018 presidential elections, thereby flattening the reelection of Nicolás Maduro as President.

Capriles, who silently registered his La Fuerza del Cambio card with the National Electoral Council, intends to organize a few boards for legislative bodies made up of civil society activists in which he, personally, still has some margin of influence.

Source: elparis

All news articles on 2020-09-03

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