The dialogue with the ultra-Orthodox public should have started a long time ago • The ultra-Orthodox adore Netanyahu - but never resilience • Their representatives in the Knesset will find other colleagues • Interpretation
Netanyahu.
Will it disappoint the ultra-Orthodox?
Photo:
Emil Salman
The prime minister should have seen it coming.
Two weeks ago, when former Health Minister Yaakov Litzman called on Corona projector Roni Gimzo to resign, it was clear that this relationship could not be restored.
But Netanyahu ignored.
This, while the ultra-Orthodox cauldron in Bnei Brak and its Galilee has already reached the boiling point - until it erupted towards it.
The price for the next moves we may all pay.
The map of the settlements of Israel, which was to be painted in the colors of the traffic light, was to be determined in accordance with objective considerations only.
The extent of the disease is supposed to give the community its color for two weeks until the next test.
Once other considerations are mixed up, even if the new outline looks right and receives the approval of the medical professional echelon - trust is damaged and reaches a level that cannot be restored.
In the previous round, millions of citizens sat in homes with their children, did not go more than a hundred meters, businesses closed, places of entertainment were desolate, and synagogues were abandoned.
It worked because then believed.
Today is much less.
It is impossible to force a closure.
It is possible to deal with outlaws, not with an entire population.
The dialogue with the ultra-Orthodox public should have started a long time ago.
If the municipalities of Bnei Brak and Elad have data according to which the high morbidity rates are a derivative of tests of yeshiva students outside the city - someone should have sat down and gone over the data with them.
If they turn out to be right - release.
If not - order the mayors, influential rabbis and Knesset members to work among the community for a voluntary closure.
But no one came and no one was interested.
Hence the frustration.
Demonstrations in Balfour also intensify distrust.
It is possible to present data from here to Bahrain that there is no adherence to those demonstrations, it does not change the fact that they create a sense of where and where, and that what one public is allowed, after is forbidden.
The heads of the ultra-Orthodox localities began a marathon of meetings with anyone who is considered to be sticking a finger in Netanyahu's eye: from Naftali Bennett, through Ofer Shelach, to Bnei Gantz.
The goal is to stress.
Show that even the most loyal partners have red lines.
And that if the harm continues they may also find in other worthy partners.
Netanyahu understood the message and began to show signs of surrender.
It was not the ultra-Orthodox elected officials but the public who pushed for the bloody partnership with Netanyahu in the first place.
As Moshe Gafni, Aryeh Deri and others have often testified, there has been no problem in joining the left-wing government, as there has been in the past.
But the public is not willing to hear about it.
The ultra-Orthodox, in general, admire Netanyahu and see no other leader who can confront him.
And the MKs follow them. They swear allegiance to him in the campaign and hang his posters in the party election headquarters. But never resilience. If Netanyahu disappoints the ultra-Orthodox public, his leading MKs will take the opportunity to make alliances with others.