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Gibrán Ramírez: "Nobody did anything to repair Morena"

2020-09-22T22:25:54.841Z


The youngest candidate to preside over López Obrador's party carries out a face-to-face campaign throughout the country and rejects the accusations of his rivals


Gibrán Ramírez during his tour of Tabasco on September 2nd. SOCIAL NETWORKS

Gibrán Ramírez (Mexico City, 1989) has visited 40 cities in his ambition to lead the National Regeneration Movement (Morena).

This son of two teachers with Chontal roots is the young man with the most possibilities in the competition among the hundred candidates.

For days he has been traveling from south to north the country in a 2015 Chevrolet pickup that he acquired for the campaign.

"I bought it with my savings and I am financing my gasoline and my lodging," he tells by telephone from Culiacán (Sinaloa).

The Doctor of Political Science from El Colegio de México has made a name for himself in local politics thanks to his journalistic columns and his debates in social gatherings in the media.

Public opinion perceives him, after Morena's victory, as one of the natural ideologues of López Obrador's party.

The leading role, however, has brought him criticism.

His rivals accuse him of embezzlement at the head of the Inter-American Conference on Social Security (CISS), the public body that he held until the end of August.

Ramírez has rejected these allegations.

The attack among the applicants has been the common denominator in the race, which will be defined in October by a survey open to the entire population.

Question.

What is behind the attacks you have received?

Reply.

There are two things.

Those who come from within is a kind of property right.

They are two groups of friends, who fought, who live in Tlalpan and Coyoacán and hold social gatherings, organize the Political Training Institute and feel that because of their closeness to Andrés Manuel and the work of these years they have a right over the future of the party.

This is the case of Pedro Salmerón.

There was an expectation that my candidacy was testimonial and since it is not being, they feel that I am someone's strategy.

This is the case of Porfirio [Muñoz Ledo].

He didn't just call [Senator] Germán Martínez.

He also called members of the Cabinet, who asked me not to say their names, and is looking for who I am or who I answer to ask him to get off.

He cannot conceive of a 30-year-old making a political decision to stand in an election.

There is an external agenda, I don't know whose.

That is what Hernán Gómez's attacks respond to, which are a compendium of gossip.

He has not questioned either the process or the other applicants.

Of the pointers I am the only one who has requested a license to his order.

It is curious that I accuse myself of campaigning with official resources when I am the only one who left that source of income.

He does not point out the deputies Muñoz Ledo and Delgado at all.

It is a political intention that coincides with a personal grudge that I have not explained in public because it is wrong to get into the dynamics of gossip.

P.

Why are you looking for the party leadership?

R.

These two years some colleagues from various states asked me to go to give lectures and talks.

During those trips I was listening.

I felt a growing disenchantment about the party's work, the internal struggles.

That was generating a concern.

My form of militancy was more intellectual work, but it gave me a bit of despair to see that no one was doing anything to repair the party.

Neither the organization, nor the mobilization, nor the political communication had an outstanding advance after the victory of 2018. The party was left in a paralysis that caused a malaise in the militancy.

For more than a year I began to make proposals.

I made a small compendium of those participations.

Hundreds of colleagues asked me to present myself with that program.

It is the only one that has been submitted.

They are about 50 pages.

P.

Is the strength of the president noticeable in the race?

R. It

has taken distance.

He knows that if he put order right now we would just postpone this factional fight and the struggle to institutionalize ourselves for a few years.

In our first congress, when the party's president was to be elected, López Obrador left.

Everyone was waiting for a signal, a line, and Andrés Manuel left.

Paco Taibo was elected because he was the one who knew the militancy best and he did not want to.

The second or third was Martí Batres.

Since then López Obrador has wanted the party to take its course.

P.

The behavior of the tribes was one of the evils of the PRD.

Is Morena imitating that behavior?

R.

Unfortunately this is what is happening.

It is annoying because President López Obrador, while he was a leader, was very clear that the logic of currents generated this degradation.

That is why they are prohibited from the statutes.

It is not that there are no political teams, but this logic of seeking a hegemonic current that defines the terms of the contests and that to satisfy the other currents of quotas of positions, budgets and candidacies is what leads to degradation.

And it is what has been in the background of the paralysis of these two years.

There is a faction logic of occupying all the important spaces to occupy candidacies.

If we do not go through this period to end that logic and we do not succeed, I believe that the hypothesis that the party was spoiled will be confirmed.

P.

Is the presidential succession of 2024 being a ghost in this election?

A.

It is obvious.

It is a spectrum that is not openly discussed.

There is the impression of some supporters of Claudia Sheinbaum's project, not hers at all, such as Porfirio Muñoz Ledo himself, who feel that this contest is about Marcelo Ebrard's project for the presidency.

Much of the noise that is being made comes from that spectrum.

There is no obvious evidence or indication that these presidential projects are being worked on.

P.

What would be your first action after winning the leadership?

R. I would

call for the renewal of all presidencies and general secretariats in all states through a survey.

P.

Will it be important to purify the party?

R.

Of course you have to do it.

I wouldn't say it's active debugging in the first place.

It must be done at the time of selection of the candidates.

Yes, there are mayors, councilors and local deputies who have been singled out for corruption in various parts of the country.

This has very dissatisfaction with the militants and residents.

There does have to be an action to block their way so that they cannot run for re-election.

I maintain that it was not a mistake in 2018 to invite everyone.

That brought us PRI members, last minute PAN members who did not obtain candidacies and jumped on the winning boat.

It was important to win.

Now we have already won.

The correlation of forces changed.

Polls indicate that in many places whoever puts Morena will win.

That is a danger because opportunists are going to approach.

It is a different time.

To differentiate ourselves we have to make Morena mean something minimally.

That meaning has to be decency.

We have to do the same with external candidacies.

We have to refocus them.

We need a series of external candidates to stop resorting to the famous bucket from which we get Lilly Téllez or Cuauhtémoc Blanco, who have resulted in both cases, and surely there are many more cases, disappointments.

We must purify, but Morena has to be a game open to everyone, we cannot continue in the dynamics of the private club with cadeneros.

P.

A few years ago you said that you were not well liked by your colleagues because they said that you only did politics with texts.

How much has that changed?

A.

I have mixed both.

It has only been these last few months that I have devoted myself primarily to organizing colleagues, always with ideas on the table.

First they told me that I did not organize a committee on my block, now that there are thousands of us throughout the country they tell me that I should not do this.

The militant activity that takes place on the desks and in the media should not be overlooked.

I am one of those who criticize the intellectuals of the old regime because I say they write more than they read.

That is always dangerous because they start recycling and reflecting on their own ideas as if they were the center of the national discussion.

It is dangerous to do that.

P.

Are you the intellectual of Morena?

R.

No. I vindicate the work of intellectual work that Gramsci said.

I consider myself one of many thousands who put their intellectual work at the service of the social group to which they belong.

Q.

What would you do to ideologically channel a left party that has turned to the center and to the right?

R.

It is not urgent.

The urgent thing is to organize ourselves for 2021. At the same time, the program for municipalities and states has to be generated.

We do not have.

Morena is a federal project that came out of the reading of Andrés Manuel's 100 points in the Zócalo.

We have no way of doing local government.

The other part after 2021 is a program for the future.

We had an opposition program, but we have no doctrine that goes beyond that.

We don't know what will happen after Andrés Manuel.

Everything is missing from the future.

Source: elparis

All news articles on 2020-09-22

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