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20 years since the October riots

Want to sign a peace agreement with the Arab citizens of Israel?

It has been 20 years since the demonstrations in which 13 people were killed in the terrible October, and the country has not changed its attitude towards its Arab citizens since.

Israel must strive for peace with us even before normalization with the Gulf states, in an agreement based on one clause - all citizens are equal

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• October 2000

• The Arabic Community

• Israeli Arabs

• Ahmed Tibi

• October riots

Ahmed Tibi

Thursday, 01 October 2020, 06:30

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Recording: Network B, Stills, Reuven Castro, Editing: Nir Chen

Rami Gara, Ahmad Ibrahim Jabarin, Muhammad Ahmad Jabarin, Musalah Abu Jared, Asil Hassan 'Asala, Alaa Khaled Nassar, Walid Abu Saleh, Imad Ghanaim, Iyad Luabana, Muhammad Khamaisi, Ramez Bushnak, Omar Akawi, Wissam Yizbach .

They were all shot and killed by the Israel Police in October 2000.

Every martyr has a name, family, parents, had dreams and plans for life, which no longer exist and will no longer exist.

Exactly 20 years ago - the police shot and killed 13 people in eight days, wounding hundreds and causing anxiety and mental injuries to thousands of girls and young children.

It took a month for the then Prime Minister, Ehud Barak, to respond to the demand to open a committee of inquiry by the Arab leadership and the Arab Knesset members, and I am among them.

I was then, in October 2000, a young MK, less than half a year in the Mishkan.

The committee, headed by Judge Theodore Orr, also known as the Orr Committee, decided five years after an unfortunate decision not to prosecute police officers, including snipers.

Read more about the events of October 2000

• Families of victims of the events of October 2000: "Ehud Barak remains a criminal"

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Police shot and killed 13 people in eight days.

Demonstrator and Border Police officer, October 2000 (Photo: Reuters)

I was there when then-Member of Knesset Ariel Sharon broke into the al-Aqsa Mosque surrounded by hundreds of occupation police officers.

He was a Member of Knesset and so was I.

Hundreds of policemen guarded him - I was beaten.

In those days, I was also on the streets of Nazareth, Wadi Ara, Taibeh and the rest of our communities after the outbreak of demonstrations and protests (and not "riots and riots"), when Israeli police snipers were ordered to shoot our sons.

The offenders are still free.

Has the State of Israel changed its attitude toward its Arab citizens since then?

no and no.

In the 20 years since those demonstrations, 44 Arab civilians have been murdered by police and security forces, including the 13 martyrs in the terrible October.

The trauma of police violence is etched in our bodies and minds

These days, the Israeli networks, the institutional media and also the Interior and Environment Committee in the Knesset are in turmoil, and rightly so, in the face of police violence.

Again, there is a lot of evidence from protesters, journalists, about the use of force by police, intrusive tests under the guise of interrogation, illegal mass arrests, the use of olive oil "against procedures" and everything to suppress popular protest.

All means are competent. To stop anti-corruption protests a prime minister is criminally charged, effectively deprived of his post and responsibility as prime minister, and fails miserably in his current role as director of the crisis following the outbreak of the coronavirus,

a failure that people pay for in their lives, their lives, their dreams and their dreams. And of their boys and girls, as the consequences of the crisis expand and affect life as we know it.

Sen. Guetta tried to strike demonstrator in front of Prime Minister's residence in Jerusalem, August (Photo: Reuters)

We know about our bodies and we have witnessed the violence of uniform wearers for decades, long before it made headlines and opened new editions

The Palestinian Arabs are familiar with the police violence used by various means, some of which have not yet been used by the Israeli police against the tens of thousands of demonstrators in Balfour and on the bridges, and the Palestinian citizens of Israel and the Occupied Territories.

Practices also called "means of dispersing demonstrations" in Hebrew, such as live fire, stun grenades, tear gas, "rubber" bullets wrapped only in a layer of rubber, "skunk", nocturnal invasions, mass imprisonment, arrests and administrative arrests in particular, weapons and war - these Reserved for the Ethiopian community, the ultra-Orthodox and the Palestinians, those living in Gaza, the Occupied Territories, Hebron, Ramallah, Tulkarm, East Jerusalem, the refugee camps in Nablus and Bethlehem.

They are also reserved for the Arab Palestinians here, in the Negev, in Wadi Ara, in the Galilee, and in the mixed cities, in Yafa, Aka, Haifa, Ramla and Lod.

We know about our bodies and we have witnessed the clerical, police and military violence of uniformed men for decades, long before it made headlines and opened new editions.

The trauma from them is etched in our bodies, and in our personal and collective memory, and in many ways, still freezes and bleeds at times, in the absence of recognition, justice and compensation, while criminals and murderers are free under the auspices of law, DIP, prosecutors, governments and state institutions.

The incitement begins in the corridors of the government

Even the wild incitement that begins in the corridors of government, and the vocabulary that accompanies it, are no less violent: dehumanization, de-legitimization and silence, we recognize from miles away, even in the unaided ear and without special means.

"Riots", "terrorist", "riots", "rioters", "sector" false accusations of police assaults and "threats to their security" that prepare the murder, harm, and rendering Palestinians experience from day one.

Incitement has since intensified, with the Israeli prime minister saying "the Arabs are moving in large numbers to the polls."

Then he said of the demolition of houses in the town of Qalansawa "Our forces are operating in Qalansawa", beyond the enemy lines he meant.

These are the foundations on which the assassination of Yaakov Abu al-Qiaan and the assassination of Iyad al-Halak stand.

We do not have the initial trust and thought that these institutions are “ours, to keep us” in the first place, because they have never kept us and our lives.

Never.

The truth is that they were established by definition to harm us, to oppress, to socially dismantle us, to threaten, to frighten, to follow, to disintegrate the social and political fabric of Palestinian society that was here, before 1948, before the establishment of the State of Israel.

"Israeli Jewish Superiority Law."

Protest against the Nationality Law, 2018 (Photo: Elad Malka)

The purpose of these institutions, by definition, is to maintain discriminatory and racist Jewish supremacy, to protect and whitewash police violence, to interrogate ostensibly, without bearing responsibility, without paying prices, many times, even without bearing minimal consequences and at the same time, feeling most moral in the world.

Go without and feel with, as "the only democracy in the Middle East" loves only Jews.

Nor is it for all Jews.

The systemic and deliberate gap in access to resources, and in the infrastructure between the Jewish and Arab localities is a gap of decades.

It has been joined in recent years by racist laws, including the Nationality Law, which is the law of Israeli Jewish supremacy.

A law that raised and sacrificed the Arabic language on the altar of Messianic Jewish patriotic Zionism from Benjamin Netanyahu's seminary.

The Kaminitz law, which embittered the lives of the Arab public - accelerated the demolition of houses and increased fines - also produces real suffocation without long-term planning.

More on Walla!

NEWS

When did a helicopter take off due to an Arab murder?

To the full article

Recognize our right to be equal

Although the responsibility for personal and social security for the state and its institutions, Palestinian Arab society has a double burden to bear

Almost 20 years ago, Judge Theodore Orr revealed DIP's conduct in his review. "DIP did not collect evidence regarding incidents in which civilians were killed, did not collect findings on the ground, and did not try, near the events, to locate who the police officers involved were." .

The obvious conclusion is that the Palestinians have no gatekeepers in the mechanisms and bodies of the state, in the police, in all its departments, and in the corridors of government and media studios - these are not "ours", nor our gatekeepers and never have been.

Although the responsibility for personal and social security for the state and its institutions, while in fact failing and failing to fulfill their role, Palestinian Arab society has a double burden to shoulder, and to take greater responsibility for its personal and political life, to organize and continue to strive for coexistence based on national dignity and equal rights. Civic and political.

At the same time, it must oppose and disrupt the day-to-day routine, based on continuous discrimination, exclusion, violence, occupation and military repression.

The state must achieve peace with its citizens.

The signing ceremony of the agreements in the White House, September (Photo: Avi Ohayon, GPO)

Despite all this, Arab society has learned to break through many barriers of exclusion and restraint and many of its sons and daughters have been a model for success, nurses, doctors, scientists, teachers, engineers, hitchhikers, cultural and artistic figures, football players and more.

We have achieved all these achievements in spite of the policy of the state, and not thanks to it.

It was a double challenge.

I have always believed in and worked for equal Arab-Jewish cooperation.

Knowing the other is a must.

We know Jewish society better than the Jews know us.

About 80% of us speak good Hebrew and 90% of Jews do not speak Arabic and do not want to speak.

Recognition of our right to be equal is a moral, historical and constitutional necessity and duty.

That way we can overcome together the incitement to hatred and chronic chronic discrimination.

The state must strive and achieve peace with its Arab citizens even before normalization with the Gulf states, with Sudan or Micronesia.

Peace based on one clause, according to which all citizens are equal.

All without distinction of religion, race and sex.

basic rule.

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