Barbara Lefebvre, teacher and essayist, is the author of
Génération j'ai le droit
(ed. Albin Michel, 2018).
As he left college this Friday afternoon, Samuel Paty was probably relieved to be on vacation.
These first seven weeks of classes were trying between the constraints of the sanitary measures, then at the beginning of October the turmoil, following the attacks from a parent of a student.
The latter found assistance from a pro-Hamas Islamist member of the Council of Imams of France, the CCIF, the Pantin mosque.
Together, they launched a deceptive social media campaign that resembles a fatwa against Samuel Paty.
In this ordeal, did Samuel Paty feel alone or supported by his colleagues as he should?
Perhaps he thought the holidays would ease tensions so that he enthusiastically reunites with his students on November 2.
He was therefore returning to his home, on foot, at the end of the afternoon when he suddenly left Conflans-Sainte-Honorine to find himself immersed in the Algeria of the GIA years, in the Syria of the Islamic State, in the Afghanistan of the Taliban, in Nigeria of Boko Haram, in Mali of the Signatories by blood.
To read also:
Christine Clerc: "The enemy that should not be named"
Because, by regular eclipses, this is where our France today falls.
In a few moments, a life, lives, switch to another space-time: that of jihad.
Fright seizes us, emotion invades us, tributes are organized.
But so far, no serious fight against the cancer of political Islam has been waged.
Locked in denial or indifference, since Creil in 1989, our leaders have advocated homeopathy, then after 2015 the anti-terrorist laws relied on antibiotic treatment, just as ineffective in treating cancer.
Chemotherapy was needed, coupled with long radiotherapy because of the numerous metastases resulting from thirty years of denial.
Today, where is the leader who would dare a shock treatment of last resort, ready to shake the whole social body to target a deadly tyrannical minority?
He was therefore returning to his home, on foot, at the end of the afternoon when he suddenly left Conflans-Sainte-Honorine to find himself immersed in the Algeria of the GIA years.
Political Islam is "
the disease of Islam
" as Abdelwahab Meddeb wrote.
Islamism is primarily the business of Muslims: it is up to them to keep their distance if they claim that their faith is apolitical and peaceful.
It is up to Muslims not to adopt the lifestyles, dress codes, devout practices, racist, anti-Semitic, sexist ideas of the Islamists.
Living in a secular democracy like France is for Muslims an extraordinary opportunity to distinguish themselves from Islamists.
Alas, by softening for forty years in its founding principles, by often falling into the most base political patronage, the Republic led Muslims to believe that Islamism was "
an opinion like any other
".
There were “
moderate Taliban
”, “
quietist Salafists
”, women disguised as walking ghosts transformed into paragons of the feminist struggle… The relativism of the “no amalgamation” made Islamic radicalism attractive to some of the Muslims in this country. country, moreover nourished by a postcolonial grudge that militants, so-called anti-racists, have been responsible for feeding for two decades.
To read also:
The editorial of the Figaro: "Tears, tributes, and after?"
Political Islam is also a disease for the majority of French people who are not Muslims.
The jihadists transpose into action the Salafist, Brotherist and Wahhabi doctrines and their genocidal project, their totalitarian supremacism.
No wonder Hitler was a role model for so many Islamists: from the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem al-Husseini, who lived in Berlin during the war, to the preacher al-Qaradawi protected by Qatar.
To hinder this totalitarianism, we must act by expelling from French territory the jihadist criminals and delinquents and the ideologues who are their fuel.
Definitely expel foreign and binational Islamists (that can be stripped of French nationality without making them stateless).
Constantly monitor reported French nationals, sanction them, in particular by suspending all social assistance.
In addition, a Republic that protects should take better care of the thousands of children living in these toxic educational environments.
Islamism is first and foremost the business of Muslims: it is up to them to keep their distance if they claim that their faith is apolitical and peaceful
Not being a member of the optimist club, I fear that the murder of Samuel Paty will not lead to the strict measures which are necessary after thirty years of laissez-faire.
The emotion of tributes will still cover our anger.
The horror of this Islamist crime will silence for a few moments the "yes, but ...", so heard after Charlie Hebdo, and towards Mila.
If Samuel Paty had not died but his conflict with the student's parent had been publicized, we imagine that a juggler of the tele-gutter would have organized a "yes-no" debate where his columnists would have belched against this teacher. which shows caricatures and "offending Muslim children".
As they had slandered Mila, who lives under police protection.
Samuel Paty only did his job, applying the civic education program.
He worked to uplift the young minds entrusted to him by offering them to think for themselves, probably the most difficult of intellectual attitudes in our world of ready-made thoughts, of pathological intellectual taxonomy.
He wanted to make their world less binary, less obscurantist.
Peaceful majorities are always overthrown by ultraviolent minorities.
The vast majority of his students understood his approach, they opened up to democratic debate.
Read also:
Thibault de Montbrial: "Those who called for mobilization against Samuel Paty have consciously designated a goal"
A tiny minority has opted for jihad: the lying word of a child relayed by fundamentalist parents supported by an Islamist activist and various pharmacies of the same obedience, then execution by the jihadist.
All this for two drawings.
Caricatures that must continue to be shown to students, to explain their political meaning.
It's a duty for Samuel Paty, for Charlie's deaths.
A duty so that we do not all become living dead in a France on borrowed time.
