Updated 10/26/2020 9:35 PM
From the nine pages that Cristina Fernández released to commemorate the tenth anniversary of the death of former president Néstor Kirchner, her ex-husband,
a structural contradiction
seems to emerge
The centrality that he grants to his figure in the development of the story
conspires against the political intention of describing Alberto Fernández as an autonomous president, without ties.
Punished (sic) above all for the "anti-Peronist prejudice" of the Argentine business community.
The vice president, when describing the second of the three certainties with which the letter is structured, qualitatively progresses much more than what the opposition and certain media have done so far to comment on Alberto's objective limitations in the exercise of power.
He speaks literally - in order to deny it - of the legend of the
Written by her, like this in a couple of words, it acquires a meaning and produces a stream of conjectures that would never have been unleashed by the word of an opposition leader or, perhaps, the insidious gaze of a journalist.
It can be said that the centrality of Cristina, after the first 10 months of government, is
consistent with the history and genesis of the power system
that the vice president devised to defeat Mauricio Macri.
He disrupted the logical order and reserved for his leadership a second plane that, in formality, he was in charge of connecting with silence.
He left the marquee display to Alberto.
But it did not modify the underlying functioning that, sooner or later, politics and power impose.
In an effort to ensure the opposite of what the document exudes, the vice president says that during her accompaniment of Kirchner, as first lady and legislator, or in her two consecutive terms, she became aware that the decision system of the Executive Power
makes it impossible for it is not the President who makes government decisions.
That interpretation would have, perhaps, full validity within a non-personalistic system.
Contrary to the one that characterizes Peronism.
The leadership, the leadership and the verticalism are there unavoidable and non-negotiable values.
So much so that since the return of democracy in 1983 (also before) the PJ was unable to resolve the succession while in power.
The exception justifies this rule: Kirchner ceded power to Cristina in 2007, thinking of his return four years later.
It did not happen.
In truth, the PJ's resolutions came
by way of electoral defeat.
It happened to Eduardo Duhalde with Carlos Menem.
Fernando de la Rúa emerged.
It happened to Daniel Scioli with Cristina herself, which made him a handcuffed candidate in 2015.
Guarded by the shadow of Carlos Zannini.
Duhalde was minimal discomfort for Kirchner until the 2005 legislative divorce. Kirchner relentlessly supervised Cristina until her death.
Alberto knows thoroughly that the Vice President is in the Patria Institute and the Senate.
The president, by the way, must be navigating one of his infinite paradoxes at this time.
He always understood that succession was a stumbling block that Peronism had to solve.
He had in his folders one referring to the experience of the Frente Amplio in Uruguay.
A coalition of progressive forces that for 15 years internally resolved the problems with the alternation between Tabaré Vázquez and José Mujica.
locked up in the Frente de Todos where anyone dares to snub him
While the natural leader hides in silence.
Cristina blanked in her statement that there are officials who are not doing well. That there are successes and mistakes, attributable to Alberto.
Cristina blanked in her statement that there are officials who are not doing well.
That there are successes and mistakes, attributable to Alberto.
Although the great problem is attributed to the tremendous combination inherited between the macrista collapse and the irruption of the pandemic.
For Cristina, the history of the Argentine misfortune should be limited to those four years of Cambiemos.
Before there must have been a paradise.
It would not be worth checking his often repeated sayings with reality.
Although it points out an interesting aspect.
According to her, the President is criticized, being his opposite, for the same things that were attributed to him in his two terms.
Pride, absence of dialogue, arrogance.
He clings to those excuses to hide other evils.
Their governments had an authoritarian bias.
Nor did they produce
any lasting change in the social and productive matrix of Argentina.
Common denominator of almost all regional governments of that time.
There was also a squandering of funds in international negotiations.
Such as the nationalization of Aerolineas Argentinas, YPF or the payment of the debt with the Paris Club.
It is impossible not to remember the balance that the now President made on television of Cristina's second government:
“It has been deplorable.
I can't find a reason for the praise, ”he
Cristina in front and Alberto, behind, the day the successful debt swap was announced.
Photo: Marcelo Carroll
The core section of Cristina's statement referred to the insoluble
of the national economy.
For once he knew how to plumb the ideology.
He argued that it is not a left or right issue.
Although the conclusion is, again, very partial.
The big problem would have been Macri's four years.
Without ignoring that period, of course, the “decade won” cannot be ignored.
In particular, Kirchner's four years with external conditions conducive to some structural change.
They were never repeated again.
Cristina concludes that bimonetarism is the most serious of the country's problems.
An impossible solution "without an agreement that covers all the political, economic, media and social sectors of the Argentine Republic."
"whether we like it or not, that is reality and with it you can do anything but ignore it
The invocation of a great agreement, in the midst of the emergency, would be the novelty of Cristina's document.
You never really know that he crouches behind his statements.
Every time the President rehearses a concert, he suffers an internal trip.
He tried it on July 9 in Olivos with trade unionists and businessmen.
It should have been amended by the absence of Hugo Yasky's CGT.
He participated in the IDEA forum that Cristina took care to revile in her statement.
He opted for discreet meetings, such as the one he held last week with Techint CEO Paolo Rocca.
That from the Instituto Patria are monitored with a magnifying glass.
What, then, would be the format that Cristina imagines for a concertation?
Isn't there behind that proposal a determining objective for any presidential initiative?
Alberto received two formal proposals from Cambiemos to probe an agreement in the face of the deep crisis.
He never answered them
The answer seems to have been the sending of the Budget Law to Congress.
A meager platform in the face of the gravity of the present.
Beyond the nine-page story, Cristina's communication seems
insufficient to drive away ghosts.
Its impositions in judicial matters appear undeniable.
The infinity of episodes of internal and external politics that subject the President to daily stress makes noise.
Reasons for the oppressive climate in the country recognized by the vice president.
Of which she is neither a stranger nor a spectator.