Ignacio Zuleta
11/01/2020 19:07
Clarín.com
Politics
Updated 11/01/2020 19:07
And what if Macri ends up putting Cristina in the attorney?
Elisa Carrió's strategy is to: 1) disrupt the government's intention to discuss the project of the opponents Martín Lousteau (EXPTE. S-3535/19) and
Lucía Crexell (EXPTE. S-485/19);
2) engaging the ruling party in an internal fight, in which Cristina reveals whether she supports
Daniel Rafecas
or this is Alberto's candidate and she wants another.
In this case, he would take more distance from the President, after last Monday's critical letter.
Were there conversations?
Yes, of course, but at the discrete level that tunnellers operate at.
Luis Naidenoff
asked
José Mayans
, head of the Frente de Todos bloc, what is the real project of the ruling party on the Procuration.
If they support Rafecas or advance with opposition projects to take advantage.
Mayans replied that
he had no answer
and that he was going to ask Cristina.
In Olivos the matter is in the exclusive hands of Vilma Ibarra, and from that space came a whisper from Alberto:
"Please, let Lilita not be the one talking about this, she fucks us up
.
"
On both sides they know that Carrió's support for Rafecas is
directly proportional
to the distance between Cristina and Alberto's candidate.
The departure of Carrió motivated legends of rupture that she denies.
At the meeting on Friday at his home, he affirms, he did not speak with Larreta and Vidal about the issue, because they agree on the preference for Rafecas as
"the lesser evil
.
"
The majority of the coalition thinks the same, although some feel surprised by the departure of Carrió without prior notice.
"There is no division on this issue,"
she and Larreta say after the meeting.
There may be stiffness on the surface, but nothing that can signal a breakdown.
Everyone knows that the virtue that the coalition must maintain is not to fight or discuss leadership.
He adds: "
Did Macri, Pichetto or Patricia consult us before tweeting or going on television and making their positions known?
They are not looking to break, neither am I.
"
If there is any difference between the members of the coalition, it is a minor and tactical issue: whether or not to file a complaint against the government with the OAS.
On Rafecas,
nobody takes their feet off the plate
of the strategy that Carrió launched, except for the reproaches of style.
Especially for the result that it may have: that Macri ends up putting the attorney who could not (or did not want) to have when he was president.
It remains for the Government to define if it is going to move to the Senate, or the Senate has another command.
The radicals put the science into the bill, which may contain the shortening of the mandate, but also a reduction to the functions of the attorney to adapt them to the new law imposed by the accusatory system, and
a norm that reinforces the control of the attorney
over prosecutors in the exercise of criminal action.
A legal detail that the lawyer uncle will explain to you, but that when translated implies that the prosecutors do not do what they want.
They are divided by a minutia about the OAS, which few remember exists
The only sour issue that was discussed on Friday afternoon at Capilla del Señor between Carrió, Horacio Rodríguez Larreta, María Eugenia Vidal, Maxi Ferraro and Maricel Etchecoin, is the pressure from the PRO for the alliance partners to sign a long statement of complaints against the Government to present to the OAS - an organization that nobody remembers well if it exists or not.
There are
123 pages
that list outrages against the opposition, with the justification of the plague;
harassment of the press with cases such as the prosecution of Daniel Santoro;
and adds details about the Correo case, in which Macri is pointed out.
In a previous session of the Cambiemos table, Maxi Ferraro announced that
the Coalition does not agree
with presenting this text to the OAS.
One, because it mixes political issues with that of the Post, which can confuse the public.
Another, because it is very long.
Also because it copies complaints that Carrió has already made, and it is not very original.
Macri insists that everyone sign it
.
The difference is not less.
When that document was being debated at Carrió's house on Friday, Ferraro had a phone conversation with Macri himself to insist on the inopportunity of signing the document, with Larreta and Lilita in front of him.
Macri responded that he awaits a definition from the Coalition.
Petite historie
of the Carrió missile
The coming to the surface of the appointment of the new attorney was awakened by the ruling Senate,
when the war for the dismissal of Eduardo Casal began
, today in charge of the Procuratorate since the resignation of Alejandra Gils Carbó in 2016. It was in August, when Martín Doñate initiated the accusations against him as a
"radicalized militant"
of the macrismo.
At that time, Carrió made the first round of warnings about the intention of the ruling party to sink the candidacy of Rafecas,
proposed for the position by Alberto Fernández
, but with the process frozen by the senators' bloc, which let the year pass without ever calling for a the pre-treatment hearing.
The ruling party does not have 2/3 of the votes for this or any other candidate.
That is why he would advance, Carrió pointed out, with the dismissal of Casal, so that the position would go down
to a prosecutor who was friendly to extreme Christianity
.
Today, Naidenoff, head of the Senate interblock, acknowledges that she noticed him in talks with him and other chiefs of Together for Change, when they were all embroiled in more current issues, such as Vicentín and judicial reform.
Two weeks ago, the senator pointed out at the meeting of the Cambiemos table that the escalation of the ruling party was pending.
Mario Negri asked that the debate be held in reserve, even among them:
"If not, it will be in the newspapers tomorrow
.
"
Larreta contributed to the discretion:
"Mario is right
.
"
At the last meeting of the table,
Oscar Parrilli's
idea
of unearthing the projects of Lousteau and Crexell
was already rolling
, to lower the life status of the position.
Other senators such as Miguel Pichetto and Federico Pinedo had requested the same,
to force the resignation of Gil Carbó
, but Carrió had turned it around with the argument that the laws should not have a name and surname.
This frustrated the project of Cambiemos and the Peronism led by Pichetto, to agree on a package of appointments for positions that need a special majority, such as the Procurator, the Defender of the People and others with a simple majority, such as agreements for chairs in the Central Bank, the appointment of a vacancy in the National Electoral Chamber and
even an expansion of the Court
.
Candidates like Rodolfo Urtubey and Raúl Plee fell there and Casal's interim term was extended.
"We have to solve this because they are going to run over us"
At that meeting last Monday, the Together for Change table decided that there
should be a statement
on the issue.
They decided to give themselves time.
Carrió's delegates -Maxi Ferraro and Juan Manuel López- demanded urgency:
"We have to solve this because they are going to pass us by
.
"
Carrió repeated the round of warnings to all caciques, including the governors of his party.
Without waiting, he released, hours later, the news that the senators' bloc should support Rafecas, something that he now says he had agreed for months with Larreta and other leaders.
This chronicler, in the note of January 5, reported that agreement in these terms: "The election of Rafecas seems a path towards some consensus. He has the 41/42 votes that Peronism can gather in the Senate. Those who join him The support is that of loose benches such as those of Carlos Reutemann, Lucila Crexell, Alberto Weretilneck, the Buenos Aires Martín Lousteau (his sister is on the Rafecas team in a university chair) and Guadalupe Tagliaferri, who express signs in favor of the candidate on behalf of Horacio Rodríguez Larreta. The stokers add supporters of radicals of judicial prestige, such as Ricardo Gil Lavedra and Ernesto Sanz, who have not spoken in public. "
That panorama continues to this day.
The shameful side of the ruling party and Sergio's budget
The fine reading of what the deputies approved as the 2021 Budget project sheds a political X-ray of the forces that confront in Congress.
As days go by, it will emerge from the blurry state of any accounting that, in addition, has a high degree of fiction, as happens with these imaginative budgets.
They imagine inflations and dollars that nobody will see
,
no matter how
much promise of eternal life that the preachers of this brown hacienda make, which is the administration of the State.
The design provides another explanation for the absence of the vice-presidential son in the session: he could not account, as president of the ruling party, of the result of
a negotiation that was left out
.
This budget, let's put it brutally, is Massa's budget.
Their eagerness to move forward with something systematic in an invertebrate government generates new realities.
As in less than a month he seized relations with the governors, who were talking this weekend about "Sergio's budget."
It is no longer Guzmán's
and if the budget is the government's plan, Massa, by transitory effect, came to the fore.
Beyond the anger that separates them,
these negotiations were delegated by Cristina
.
"Why don't you talk to Sergio, who is the one who does politics?"
, he is credited with having told senators that they complained to him on behalf of the governors.
That delegation hides unspeakable aspects of the ruling party.
For example, that the team that Massa has active to negotiate the economy with the governors is the same that worked with Peronism before 2019
to negotiate with the Macri government
.
The same men sit there who act as a permanent line of experts in public accounts, who reached agreements in Pichetto's office, or at the CFI with Rogelio Frigerio and the governors, and who now do so in the name of the new Peronism that governs.
It is not worth naming these economists, some who
acted until 2015 in Cristina's government
, because she has them on a disapproved list, and here there is no patrol journalism.
Some continue to collaborate because Massa supports them and feeds on them, such
as Martín Redrado and Diego Bossio
.
Others, better that they continue sailing without lights, but they are proof that power has permanence rather than changes, even in Argentina.
Another example is that the man with the fine numbers of Martín Guzmán is Raúl Rigo, Secretary of the Treasury, who before 2015 was Juan Carlos Pezoa's second in Economy, and who under the government of Cambiemos has been an advisor to Esteban Bullrich in the PRO bench in the Senate.
Say it with mimicry
These ridiculousness with Cristina surface in testimonies for the couch, such as
the phrase of José Mayans
in the session of Friday in the Senate, when he closed the debate on the law for the defense of the assets of the Sustainability Guarantee Fund:
"Of Bossio we can say many things, but he came to Congress every month
.
"
Who was he talking to, Cristina, who could challenge him for talking to the former deputy to ask him for a letter about the FGS before the session?
Petty way of thanking him.
Thanking is a courtesy from strong people
.
As Oscar Parrilli's tantrum in that same debate is a weakness, when he punished the opposition for the inheritance received, that same opposition that supported the ruling party project with the vote, because it allows the governors of all parties to renegotiate their debts with the Anses.
With northern patience,
Juan Carlos Romero commented melancholy
: "Here we are in a session with the usual fatigue of always listening to revenge plans and blaming the other."
Guzmán turned, with intermediaries, aid to oil tankers
The friction explains the resounding fall in the Thursday session of the
article that recognized the producers and distributors of hydrocarbons
a debt inherited from Macri of almost $ 30,000 million.
It was a promise from Alberto's new Secretary of Energy to companies, for the Gas 4 plan and insurance to bank a rate cap.
It fell as a result of a cabinet divided between warring tribes.
Martín Guzmán and Cecilia Todesca shouted to heaven for that concession from Martínez, whose Energy office he captured from the Matías Kulfas ministry, which is in Alberto's space.
They launched an
air-to-ground missile that passed through the office of Cristina
, promoter of the criminal complaint of the head of Enargas, Federico Bernal, against Juan José Aranguren for the happy DNU 1053, already repealed, which recognized that gabela.
The order came to Massa, more than a friend of the main oil groups, and
he instructed José Luis Ramón
(who manages Sergio's hinge block to play with his partners in difficult votes) to ask for the cancellation of the payment.
When they called for explanations, the gas widows heard:
"Ramón asked for it, who is very involved in consumer defense. And Ramón's votes are very necessary
.
"
Nobody put so much with so little.
Although now Ramón will have to explain to consumers, whom he will defend as the head of the brand new Bicameral del Consumidor, which was created a few days ago, how he will make sure that the rates, without that state aid, do not rise.
Governors, collect
The provinces take advantage,
not only those of Peronism
.
The power to create customs zones in border cities was a pact between Massa and the missionary rovirismo.
But the complaint of the other governors made art.
123 of the bill that went to the Senate allows them to have the same facilities to create small Tierra del Fuego in Formosa, Jujuy and other regions.
In the same way, the provinces that receive money from the Tobacco fund benefit from the decision to have it drawn directly, without intermediaries.
The same are the provinces that receive money from the surpluses of the generation of Salto Grande, Tierra del Fuego, which managed to make cuts to the production of the previous government (the so-called Dujovne inheritance).
Massa also got more money for her man at BICE,
José Ignacio de Mendiguren
: it will be together with Banco Nación, which will distribute 10% of the statistics tax, which is deducted to finance credit programs for investment.
Not everything, because 40% are left with the Economy and Interior for their happiness payroll: a specific subsidy fund (another), with a rate to be assigned based on regional and federal criteria.
The
so-called Lavagnist bloc
, which is made up of deputies linked to the management of its governors -Córdoba,
mainly-
also
came into debate
due to its dependence on federal aid.
The political and technical leadership, personalized by Graciela Camaño and Jorge Sarghini, promoted critical support for the project in general.
They subjected this motion to one of them asking the Government for a commitment to future reforms and changes, to solve structural problems that are not addressed, not even in the budget.
They did not convince the other members of their bench.
That explains why neither Camano nor Sarghini were in the session.
It was two more stars who missed the last big stage of the year in the Chamber.
Nothing is closed for the new dome of the PJ
These negotiations will have new balances, which will be transmitted to the new party leadership.
Whoever was not distracted on Wednesday should have looked
at Jorge Capitanich's agenda
, who went all the way down the spine: 1. Olivos - Alberto;
2. Government House - Wado de Pedro;
3. the Senate - Cristina.
There were management justifications, the main one, taking a backpack of $ 40 million for health works in the province.
From those meetings Capitanich left again in the race for the presidency of the PJ, a
ticket so far screwed for Alberto Fernández
.
Nothing is closed, everything remains open until the closing of the (unique) lists on November 16, because in Peronism they also surely took him prisoner, or at least he is being processed (laughs).
The Chaco comes from giving a document in which he insists on his idea that Alberto should be the president of the Frente de Todos, not the PJ, and that the party has to be modernized, get him out of Matheu Street, take him to an open space that hosts debates.
It must cease to be administered by what it calls
"a Peronist gerontocracy"
- the age-critical criticism of the Giojas and Cristina herself, an autumnal leader - stands out, in an
"open, dynamic, modern, plural, democratic party with an international perspective"
.
Wado wanted a translation and listened: 1) put an end to the Buenos Aires government, which accumulates the charges in natives of the CABA;
2) find a PJ president who knows something more than the current leadership.
He, for example, or one of the governors who are the basis of support for Alberto.
They ask him for more and he takes out a minute of
"Political Conduction"
: governing is not commanding, it is persuading;
it is an art, not just a technique, and contradictions must be managed from above.
Examples?
Look at the opposition, who has Patricia Bullrich doing what no one does, there is nothing similar in the Peronism that governs.
In the Senate they ask him "how do you see her?"
It is critical: What did we do wrong?
We delayed the settlement of the debt
, it should have been with the private parties and the IMF at the time of assuming, to give a credibility shock taking advantage of the liquidity of Argentina, which the informal dollars give it.
What was that?
Laundering without asking and allowing people to do business with the money they have inside and outside the system.
You cannot be afraid of audacity, because this was simple: united government, united opposition, we are going to a tie;
divided government, united opposition, we lose;
United government, disunited opposition, we won.
There are no surprises.
And he returned to Chaco.
Changing of the guard at the Vieytes soap factory
Part of these alignments is the appointment of Ignacio Lamothe as general secretary of the Federal Investment Council, a
federal forum that handles about $ 10 billion
a year.
It is an auxiliary wheel for projects in the provinces linked to public works, and helps SMEs, which is managed by a directory of governors.
It is a residue of Frondicism, which created it and which has acted like Vieytes' soap factory.
It was the headquarters of the drafting of the Perón Triennial Plan, when it was managed by Alberto González Arzac.
It housed the debate on the co-participation law passed in 1988, which continues to govern, with various disfigurements.
It is said easy, but the distribution of income between the provinces and the Nation has been the cause of civil wars, not only in Argentina.
In the '90s it was the venue for the governors' meetings with Cavallo;
In the 2001 crisis, it gave space for debates on pesification and, it must be said,
the removal of Fernando de la Rúa
;
Until last year the meetings of the table of the 4 of alternative Peronism -Schiaretti, Pichetto, Urtubey, Massa- were held in their offices.
Lamothe seems marked by extreme Christianity, but he knows how to distribute because he was secretary of municipal affairs for Florencio Randazzo and everyone knows him.
He inherits an almost secret empire that was set up by José Luis Ciacera, who had been in the distribution since the military dictatorship, and was whitewashed as secretary under the Alfonsín government.
A born pactista, his long term will be audited by Lamothe, although all the governors gave their approval to the appointment of a division that is
almost a state within a state
, and they know well what is public and what is secret in the CFI.
Among oxen there are no goring.