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The radicals will also get a role: the Biden administration is starting to put together a hive

By Jan. 20, the Democratic presidential team will work to ensure a smooth transfer of power.

To maintain party unity, Biden will have to give roles to representatives of the Warren and Sanders wing, but the Republican Senate will prevent anti-Israel measures.

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• United States

• Joe Biden

Prof. Eitan Gilboa

Sunday, 08 November 2020, 11:49

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In the video: Joe Biden delivers a victory speech (Photo: Reuters, Editing: Amit Simcha)

The U.S. Constitution provides for a two-and-a-half-month time-out between Election Day, the first Tuesday in November, and the day a new president is sworn in and takes office - January 20th.

This time-out is intended for the orderly transfer of power between the outgoing administration and the new administration.

A team led by Ted Kaufman, an associate of Joe Biden and his confidant and who briefly replaced him in the Senate after being elected Barack Obama's deputy, has been working for several months to build his administration.

The team examines ministries, government agencies and ministries and plans for reforms and legislation.

It sets priorities for the first hundred days, and sorts and filters candidates for key positions.

The essence of the test is to find out in advance not only suitability for each position, but "skeletons in the closet" that could embarrass the president.

The team is trying to recruit people he is interested in.

Thousands are applying, mostly for positions under ministers, submitting resumes and using associates and public relations to promote themselves.

Between administrations, they work in pro-democracy research institutes in Washington, write books, articles and position papers, keep in touch with members of Congress and wait for their party to win and return to work in government.

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Looking for "skeletons in the closet".

Biden in his speech tonight (Photo: Reuters)

Candidates for key positions in the domestic, foreign and security sectors come from several sectors: members of Congress, personalities who served in the Obama administration, rivals who participated in primaries, talented leaders in local governments destined to reach the national level and prominent personal or non-political figures.

Democratic senators like Bernie Sanders, Elizabeth Warren and Amy Klobscher who competed in Biden would want ministerial positions.

The problem is that they will have to resign, and if the governor of their state is a Republican, such as in Massachusetts represented by Warren, he will appoint a Republican in their place until the next election and thus the Republican majority in the Senate will increase.

Pete Bottige is an example of a primaries contender currently running for ambassador to the UN.

To maintain party unity, Biden will have to give roles to prominent representatives of the party's progressive-radical wing like Sanders Warren. Hopefully these will not be important roles in foreign affairs and security That this wing is hostile to Israel.

May get a role in the new administration.

Susan Rice (Photo: AP)

Candidates who have held senior positions in the Obama administration, who aspire to return to the administration and receive promotion and are relevant to Israel are Nick Blinkman, who was deputy secretary of state and deputy national security adviser, is a leading candidate for the post of national security adviser;

Susan Rice, who was the UN adviser and ambassador to the post of Secretary of State, and Michelle Flornoy, the Deputy Secretary of Defense, to the post of Secretary of Defense.

Eric Gersti, Los Angeles Mayor He is a candidate for the position of Minister of Transportation, and if he is appointed, there will certainly be a factor that Israel can use in contacts with the government.

White House and Congress relations

The US Congress is a full partner in determining government policy.

Without the approval of Congress, a president cannot spend a single dollar, appoint ministers, judges and ambassadors, and of course pass laws.

Congress has significant powers in many areas stemming from the federal regime structure based on restraints and balances between authorities.

Due to the ongoing distrust of the public in the administration, voters tend to split forces even between the two houses of Congress, the House of Representatives and the Senate.

For all eight years of Obama's tenure, he has enjoyed a majority of his party in both houses of Congress for only the first two years.

Trump, too, enjoys a majority of his party in both houses of Congress only in his first two years.

According to election results this week, Democrats will continue to control the House of Representatives but at this point they have failed to gain a majority in the Senate as well, which will remain under Republican control.

They will not be able to pass significant reforms they have planned such as increasing the number of Supreme Court justices, nationalizing the health care system or implementing their ambitious “green energy” program.

Although the Republican Senate will make it difficult for the Biden administration, this will be an opportunity to mend the political culture of cooperation between the two parties, which was severely damaged as early as the Obama era and worsened during the Trump era.

The division of control in Congress also has an Israeli aspect.

Since Republicans' relations with Israel are much tighter than those with the Democrats, Israel could be helped by the Senate to repel or reduce anti-Israel laws and decisions or actions.

The government of Biden and Israel

It is clear that close relations and close cooperation will not return as there were between Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and incumbent President Donald Trump.

But hostile relations with Biden will not necessarily develop either, due to Netanyahu's stabilization in favor of the Republicans and the difficult disagreements he had with Obama.

Biden has declared that he does not avenge or monitor and will maintain good relations with Israel.

The issues that are most important to Israel are military-security cooperation, dealing with the Iranian bomb and Iran's hostile activity in Syria and Lebanon, the attachment of Arab states to the regional strategic alliance and the policy towards the confrontation with the Palestinians.

Security cooperation will continue as before.

It is built on mutual benefit relations, although they are clearly not symmetrical.

The United States helps Israel much more than Israel helps the United States.

Biden will not harm or use American military aid to Israel to force moves against the Palestinians, as the radical progressives are demanding.

The aid is enshrined in a ten-year agreement signed by Obama and Netanyahu in 2016 and which entered into force in 2018.

Any attempt to harm him would be a breach of the agreement, and Biden, who was a partner in its formation, would not give a hand in such a move.

The main challenge will be Iran.

Biden wants to resume negotiations with Iran on a new nuclear deal instead of the one Trump canceled.

Iran has a precondition and is the removal of the heavy sanctions that Trump has imposed on them.

Biden may accept this condition.

He may have learned lessons from the failures of the nuclear deal Obama signed in 2015, or he may not.

Biden may stop the move.

The signing ceremony of the Avraham agreements, September (Photo: Reuters)

The bigger problem is the expansion and deepening of the strategic alliance of Israel and Arab countries that Trump worked hard to establish.

One of the factors that has led to the normalization of relations between Israel and the Emirates, Bahrain and Sudan is the need to curb Iran's regional and subversive aspirations.

Trump planned to add other Arab countries like Saudi Arabia, Oman, Kuwait and Morocco.

Some have decided to sit on the fence until it becomes clear whether Trump will win and continue.

Biden may halt the move both because it ostensibly contradicts the desire to reach a new nuclear deal with Iran and because democratic radicals want to cut off the United States from Saudi Arabia and the Gulf states, which they define as the most reactionary countries in the world.

The subject is not theoretical.

Negotiations on the 2015 nuclear deal have influenced US policy toward Iran.

In 2009, the Iranian presidential election was falsified and the opposition embarked on mass demonstrations that were suppressed by force.

Protesters expected American support for the purity of the election, but Obama remained silent.

It turned out that he was afraid to anger the ayatollahs and thus jeopardize the chances of reaching the nuclear deal.

On the Palestinian issue, Biden will not return the US embassy from Jerusalem to Tel Aviv, but will reopen a consulate for Palestinians in East Jerusalem and also the PLO office in Washington, which Trump closed.

Oppose the expansion of settlements and ignore Trump's peace plan.

It is highly doubtful that he will develop his own plan, following the failure of Obama, the most pro-Palestinian American president in the history of the United States, to advance negotiations and a solution.

Biden is ready to enter the White House and begin implementing its plans and policies, including those concerning Israel and the Middle East.

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