11/21/2020 22:01
Clarín.com
Opinion
Updated 11/22/2020 11:17 AM
The last time Alberto and Cristina Fernández saw each other personally was at the
end of September
.
After that dialogue, mediation was required that the Interior Minister, Eduardo "Wado" de Pedro, carried out separately to dilute the
political tension
that had been installed at the top of power.
The young man from La Cámpora also spoke with his friend, Congressman Máximo Kirchner.
Since then the President and his vice have spoken on the phone.
Then two letters came.
Cristina's with the warning that "there are officials who do not work."
Another of the pro-government senators with harsh admonitions about negotiating with the International Monetary Fund (IMF).
Simultaneously with the effort of Martín Guzmán, the Minister of Economy, to order the way.
Alberto overplayed the interpretation of Cristina's epistle.
He said that he had felt it as a support.
The first gesture, however, was to separate the Minister of Housing, María Eugenia Bielsa, to replace her with the ultra-Christian mayor of Avellaneda, Jorge Ferraresi.
He did not say anything about the senators' demonstration.
Although after its disclosure he also decided to toughen up with the IMF.
The President does the unspeakable so that
the peak of tension with Cristina does not escalate
.
Also, hide it.
He never agreed with the opportunity of the wealth tax approved by Deputies at the impulse of Deputy Máximo.
But late on Tuesday he sent three of his ministers to Congress as a sign of support.
The conflict in the Executive Branch adds fire to the embers that cover Argentine politics.
It would be the worst exercise in the face of a complicated outlook on all fronts.
Infections from the coronavirus are decreasing although they remain at high levels.
Our country is among the six nations in the world with the highest number of deaths per million inhabitants.
Heading for 37,000.
The President repeatedly shuffles announcements about the arrival of vaccines.
Whose concretion here and abroad is uncertain.
The social crisis looms and resources are running out.
To try to alleviate the disappointment, Alberto announced a 5% increase for retirees.
Crumbs
It was his last decree in that field.
The application of the new formula for the adjustment of assets that splinters to the Front of All will come.
Because it does not include inflation in the calculation.
The official stage exhibits another nuisance.
It is the progressive distancing that Deputy Máximo exhibits with the Casa Rosada.
Their positions
would be turning towards a radicalization
.
According, say the insidious, with the admiration he professed weeks ago for the former left-wing union leader, Agustín Tosco, from Córdoba.
It was not reflected so much in the wealth tax, a resource remanded from those who hold power.
Yes, in the half sanction that limits the use of fields set on fire intentionally to 30 and 60 years.
The opposition assumes that both initiatives, like so many others, will lead to justice.
Apart from that discussion, they have striking peculiarities.
The wealth tax is entitled Extraordinary Solidarity Contribution.
How is it explained that 25% of what is being raised ($ 300 billion) is destined to energy company ENARSA?
Emblem of Julio De Vido.
Again there is talk of an exception tax.
The same promise was made with a tribute of 1932 (government of Agustín P Justo).
Then, between military and civilian administrations, another seven arrived.
All remain
.
According to a study prepared by the World Bank, Argentina is ranked 189 for its tax burden on companies.
It now stands at 106%.
It was 136% when Mauricio Macri took office.
In last place is the Comoros archipelago, in southeastern Africa.
The ranking is elaborated in a descending way: the nations with the lowest tax burden start from position one.
Another detail:
in just one year the Government of Alberto created or retouched 17 new taxes
.
It would be respect for a historical line.
With respect to the project of the burned fields, there is an underlying conspiracy theory, always akin to Kirchnerism.
It is assumed that all catastrophes - this year there were many - are due to the perversion of producers, businessmen or entrepreneurs.
That surely exist.
But there are countless other reasons
.
Even of a natural order.
In addition to the freezing of these lands, another problem arises: the determination of intent is the responsibility of the State.
Whose inefficiency, even to prevent or neutralize them, is in sight.
That supposed turnaround of Máximo K raises another dilemma.
The operation of the machinery of the Front of All.
The deputy established a political tandem with Sergio Massa.
An important piece for the balance that the President intends to print to his government.
The Renovador leader had several of his deputies support the wealth tax.
It is clear that she does not commune with him.
There would be other evidence of that decoupling.
Máximo K and Massa were always joint negotiators with the opposition in Congress.
The vice president's son
started cutting himself
.
The head of the Chamber of Deputies as well.
Although it does not mean the same.
To this landscape are added other touches of the past: the absence of Máximo in Alberto's tribute to Néstor Kirchner, on the occasion of the decade of his death.
His decision to avoid the closing speech when the budget law was approved in the lower house, which contains the dreaded adjustment.
Cristina's true discomfort runs down another lifeline.
It does not respond only to "officials who do not work."
Neither, so much to the setting.
He considers that his judicial situation did not improve what he expected in this first year of front office
.
He has a predicament that does not fit reality.
The pandemic disrupted much of the initial plans.
The first bucket of ice water that was spilled on her was the request for a 12-year prison term for Lázaro Báez on the route of money K. It is the crime preceding the cause of public works whose trial, with wearisome steps, is being followed developing.
There she appears as the head of an illicit association.
The only peace he has with Los Sauces and Hotesur (for suspicions of money laundering, along with his family) causes that Judge Daniel Obligado is in charge of keeping anesthetized.
The magistrate juggles.
Faced with the claim of the auditors in Los Sauces and Hotesur for lack of payment of salaries, he transferred the search for a solution to the Council of the Magistracy.
In short, they would be paid with state funds.
Of the whole society.
It would not constitute a privilege.
In September, the Federal Oral Court 5 ordered that the judicial intervention in charge of managing part of the properties of Máximo K and his sister Florencia, pay the taxes owed to the deputy.
About four million pesos
.
He argued that he lacked funds for that intervention.
Now a doubt arises.
How will you pay the 6 million that would be due to the wealth tax?
Will you have a generous lender?
The vice president also does not hide her anger against the
Supreme Court
.
The ruling on Leopoldo Bruglia and Pablo Bertuzzi, whom she tried to displace immediately, has been a minor matter for her.
He constantly wonders why the five magistrates do not pronounce on the appeals that Carlos Beraldi, his defense attorney, raises in all corruption cases.
In particular, the one referring to public works.
The most advanced.
The Court requested the file from TOF2 in May 2019 before the start of the trial.
There are many requests for annulments and expert opinions.
The judges agreed, until now, that they will not pronounce until the current trial concludes.
What Cristina does not want.
The situation of the Court and the Attorney General is the reason for a silent arm wrestling between Alberto and the vice president.
The Advisory Board that analyzed the issue made non-binding suggestions that would satisfy both.
There would be no change in the number of judges in the Court.
But imagine the creation of an Intermediate Court that could deal with issues not linked to constitutionality.
Corruption causes fit.
Those experts, who commanded Beraldi, tuned instead with the Kirchnerist intention of simplifying the appointment of the attorney general.
It would not take two thirds.
A blow in several ways
.
The President's candidate, Daniel Rafecas, said he would not take office under those conditions.
Because the official would lose legitimacy and would be within reach of the power of the day.
The differences in the Advisory Board were settled with a vote that imposed the Kirchnerist criterion by just one vote.
The situation could be in a swamp.
If Rafecas does not resign or the President does not withdraw his statement, the Senate would be blocked from tracking another candidate.
Unless the trial against Eduardo Casal is successful and another interim is appointed in his place.
Sure, palate K.
In the midst of this sneaky lawsuit, Alberto decided to refloat the abortion law.
He was placed as a standard bearer.
Even wearing a green tie.
Another visible face, ungrateful for the vice president, was Vilma Ibarra, the Legal and Technical secretary.
Cristina was against this project, although during Macri's times she changed her position.
The first voice of weight that was opposed now was that of the head of the block of senators K, José Mayans from Formosa.
Did he speak for himself?
Some memorable, by the way, a boastful phrase that Augusto Pinochet pronounced in Chile in his bloody era: "In this country not a leaf moves without my knowledge," he said.
That country could be, in this case, the Senate.