No one really wants elections and the parties continue to "make an effort" to bridge the gaps and find a compromise • Non-respect for the rotation agreement is not the beginning of the disintegration process of the government but its end • Replaced
On the way to another election?
Even after the Knesset approved the bill for dispersal in a preliminary reading, the question remains whether we turned to the elections without a clear answer.
The legislative process will take two to three weeks, and in political terms it is an eternity.
The real deadline is December 23, the deadline - a budget transfer or the Knesset automatically disperses.
Even today, after the proposal has been approved, it seems that not many are those who are interested in its results, including a significant number of those who voted for it.
Blue and white members were seen after the vote as someone who, like Pam, was a demon and faced a difficult and cruel political fate.
In the Likud, opinions were divided, with some believing that the government should leave the world and the sooner it happens the better, compared to others who claim that at this time, in the midst of the days of the Corona, it would be a big mistake to dissolve the Knesset.
One such example is Israel Katz.
A few days ago, during one of their meetings, Finance Minister Netanyahu told Prime Minister Netanyahu that he should do everything in his power to postpone the election by a few months. According to Katz, although he saved the economy from collapsing through the security network Crying badly.
In such a situation, he told Netanyahu, you can not go to the polls.
In a few months, after the vaccination, things will look completely different.
Everyone works for everyone
Netanyahu knows that in the current media climate it will be difficult for him to change the narrative that he is the only culprit in the early elections.
As if his refusal to give up an exit station is the generator of all the trouble in the coalition.
That personal considerations outweigh national ones, and that the budget so critical now serves as a political hostage for him.
Of course there is an element of truth in the claim, but the reality is a bit more complex.
Because if in the eyes of the Bnei Gantz the state first and foremost, the transfer of the 2020 budget should have been allowed, which is already ready for a vote and can be brought to the Knesset for approval from moment to moment.
Netanyahu's insistence on an exit station is no different from his insistence on preventing that exit station.
Both use the budget as a hostage equally.
All parties are right in their accusations - and the public pays. Protest against the government in front of the Heichal Hatarbut in Tel Aviv // Photo: Gideon Markowitz
The claim that Netanyahu planned from the first moment not to abide by the rotation agreement also sounds unreasonable.
Netanyahu is the one who demanded that a clause be included in the coalition agreement on the approval of a biennial budget.
If he had planned in advance to be based on a polling station, he would not have sought such a clause.
Ganz is right that Netanyahu, who plans not to grant him the rotation he signed with him, deceived him.
Netanyahu is right that the first to violate the coalition agreement were blue and white.
It sometimes seems that Blue and White did not finish their just-not-bibi campaign from the election campaign and entered government just to improve positions.
Already in the first days of the formation of the government, Minister Meirav Cohen said that she did not trust Netanyahu's leadership.
Despite the protest of the Likud ministers, Ganz did not find it appropriate to reprimand her because this is not the practice in the government and ministers cannot attack their leader.
Long before budget matters, when Netanyahu attacked the State Attorney's Office at the beginning of his trial, Avi Nissenkorn did not hesitate to respond on her behalf and attack Netanyahu.
This was also the case when the Balfour demonstrations gained momentum, and blue and white ministers saw themselves as defenders of the demonstrators while putting a demonstrative finger in Netanyahu's eye.
This is not how a government can be run, with or without a rotation agreement.
Ganz has shown weakness along the way in his ability to restrain his friends and it is possible from the first moment the rampage.
Contrary to many people's beliefs, the failure to honor the rotation agreement is not the beginning of the disintegration of the government but its end.
Minister of Finance, Israel Katz // Photo: Oren Ben Hakon
The exchange of messages between the offices of the Prime Minister and the Deputy Prime Minister continued all the time before and after the vote.
Currently the gaps are too large and seem very difficult to bridge.
Netanyahu wants Gantz to give up the rotation.
Ganz wants Netanyahu to block the polling station through legislation.
These are not things that one of them would be willing to give to another.
But it is not inconceivable that more proposals will soon pass from hand to hand.
And it is possible that in any such proposal the gap will narrow.
Equally may not be.
The last rabbit also escaped
As part of their attempts to burn down the club and prepare the ground for the upcoming elections, which they could go to with a raised head after all the humiliations they have endured in recent months, they have concocted in blue and white a series of absurd laws.
After being forced to peel off the accumulation of the laws of democracy, liberalism and the LGBT, they were left with one law that they wanted to pass this week and whatever - the Equality Law, which sterilizes the Nationality Law fundamentally and grants equal national rights to Arabs as well.
This is how Knesset members from a party that defines itself as Zionist found themselves fighting for a law that seemed to have come out of the house of the creator of the joint list.
That if he had passed, Israel would in one moment become the state of all its citizens.
In blue and white, they believed that if they joined the left-wing parties, and parts of Yisrael Beiteinu also supported them, it would be possible to achieve the required majority without the coalition factions.
For Meretz and there is a future there was no problem.
For the ultimate goal, the humiliation of Netanyahu, it is also possible to lend a hand to a law that changes the character of the state from end to end.
However, in order to pass the law, the fingers of Yoaz Handel and Zvika Hauser were also needed.
When Hauser saw the law, he was horrified.
There is no chance that we will support such a thing, he clarified.
But in blue and white they behaved like crazy.
Only they were missing, that on the day of the vote the only law that remained would also fall.
The campaign included urgent meetings between Nissenkorn and faction chairman Eitan Ginzburg with Hauser in an attempt to persuade him to support. .
This is not the time for personal rebellion
After the vote to dissolve the Knesset was approved, the members of the joint list walked around with a big smile on their faces.
Not because they want elections for me - like everyone else, elections are no small headache for them either - but because in the real battle they have waged recently, the one that threatened to divide the faction, between them and the chairman of Ram Mansour Abbas, came out on top.
Mansour Abbas' rapprochement with Netanyahu, which for his part was intended to yield significant achievements for the Arab sector, was due to reach a peak this week.
Once Yair Lapid's intention to pass the Knesset dissolution law became known, Abbas marked the week when everyone will understand how the threads have been woven in recent weeks, and for which he has received considerable criticism in the sector, connecting to a new chapter in Arab factions and government relations.
On Tuesday, a day before the vote, the joint list convened for a discussion titled to determine the faction's position ahead of the vote, but in practice the meeting concentrated on desperate attempts to draw a uniform line through massive pressure on Abbas to straighten the line.
You're making a mistake, he was told.
Your political calculations are wrong.
You are not a Libra tongue.
You are not helping Netanyahu at all.
In general, Ahmad Tibi told him, the prime minister wants the law passed because he wants elections.
How do you contribute to it by opposing or abstaining from voting.
Abbas was not convinced.
He said that despite the blue-and-white announcement of support for the law, something might go wrong for them and then he would be used, through the four members of his faction, as a tongue-in-cheek to bring down the law.
He spoke excitedly about the achievements he could bring about through cooperation with Netanyahu and insisted on continuing on the line he had begun.
His friends were not convinced.
You will not see Netanyahu shekel, he was told.
Those who warned their voters against the Arabs flocking to the polls, they said, will not give you a budget election evening for the sector.
After all, the right will boil.
Too bad for the efforts.
Abbas, however, remained his.
The parties dispersed without agreement and in anger.
Despite this, the assessment in the joint list is that Abbas will not be completely cut and will remain part of the list in the next elections as well.
According to them, the anger against him in a large sector, especially because his plan has collapsed, and if he decides to deal alone there is no chance that he will pass the blocking percentage.
The letter game
Naftali Bennett is eager for the election.
But he knows he may have to wait a little longer.
For the first time he intends to announce his candidacy for prime minister and although the chances are not high, not a day goes by without taking further action to bring this possibility as close as possible.
In recent days, Bennett has received an in-depth survey he conducted that made him optimistic.
The survey, which was conducted among 1,500 people, which is considered a particularly large sample, shows that most of the right-wing voters, including some Likud voters, would like to see Netanyahu replaced.
The sampled were asked which of the following sentences was most accurate for them: Netanyahu was a good prime minister and he should stay.
Netanyahu was a good prime minister and he must leave.
Or Netanyahu was a bad prime minister and he should go.
The last question Bennett has nothing to address.
These are people just not Bibi, voters Yair Lapid, Meretz and the joint list.
As for the other two options, it is clear that close to one hundred percent of right-wing voters in the last election agree with the second sentence.
Netanyahu was a good prime minister, but he must leave now.
In addition, the survey showed that the rate of undecided is skyrocketing.
Bennett is trying to get into this vacuum.
His momentum came too early, too soon.
During an election campaign mistakes are made.
Political opponents recognize the threat and work to weaken its power.
At the moment, Bennett is mainly threatening Netanyahu and Lapid.
Both of them, each separately, would like the battle to be inter-bloody this time as well.
Netanyahu will lead the right, and Lapid the left.
For that they must weaken Bennett.
This is why Netanyahu is attacking Bennett, even though his attacks may cause his supporters to return from him to the left camp, Torch or Blue and White.
The way in which the right-wing party will run has not yet been finalized, but one thing everyone agrees on is that as long as Rabbi Rafi Peretz is the chairman of the Jewish House, he and his party have no place on the united list. One is party general Nir Orbach, who despite the general outrage among the national-religious public over the abandonment of Bennett and Shaked and the establishment of the new right, left an open channel with them, which remains muscular and exists to this day.
Peretz wants to get quick primaries for the party leadership, probably as early as January 15, and plans to hold the elections only among members of the center, not among all the functionaries.
Behind the scenes, the sources say, Bennett and Shaked will run Nir Orbach in front of him and work for his victory, with the intention of reserving him to the 8th place on the list, if he does win.
Bennett will receive the letter B reserved for the Jewish home, and will be able to run with the note in the "N" - N of the new right, and T of the National Union.
Rabbi Peretz is convinced that this is an unrealistic scenario.
Snir Orbach informed him that in the event that there were elections and he, Rabbi Peretz, ran in them, he, Orbach, would support him and would not place his candidacy in front of him.
In his opinion, although other candidates will emerge, he will be able to overcome them and retain the party leadership.
