01/02/2021 11:01 PM
Clarín.com
Opinion
Updated 01/02/2021 11:01 PM
Outside is Alberto.
Ask permission to enter ”.
Alberto was Fernández, the now President.
The discreet request was transmitted by one of the two most important ministers from Cristina Fernández to Máximo Kirchner.
It was noon on October 28, 2010. The body of former President Néstor Kirchner, who died suddenly the day before in El Calafate, was being watched in the Casa Rosada.
"Who?" He replied like a Maximum automaton, overwhelmed by drama and close to the coffin.
"Alberto" reiterated that minister.
"
That is a traitor ... hdp,
"
bellowed
the son of the former president.
After lobbying, he agreed that the former chief of staff would pay tribute to his political boss and friend.
The scene was repeated with other people.
Some are now on the team of ministers.
That faithful record of more than a decade ago is linked to today.
Naked the miseries of many of the political tours.
Alberto now became the main promoter of Máximo to preside over the PJ of Buenos Aires.
Key machinery for Cristina and the K's to develop their political project in the future.
It is 38% of the census and the largest conglomerate of poor in the country.
There governs, formally, Axel Kicillof.
The presidential decision has multiple meanings.
It satisfies, to begin with, a
political need of the vice president
.
It further buries the possibility of Alberto's autonomy, which not even his assumption as head of the national PJ could revive.
It implies the protagonist resignation of Peronism, consumed by the Kirchnerist advance.
Also, the resignation of the President to grant a place in power to governors and mayors.
It will be necessary to observe how such a metamorphosis affects the electoral year.
Especially in Buenos Aires.
Some of the leaders who treasured expectations (Omar Perotti, Sergio Uñac, Gustavo Bordet) seem resigned.
The mayors outlined a resistance led by the Minister of Public Works, Gustavo Katopodis, and the lone albertist from Hurlingham, Juan Zabaleta.
It lasted until the mayor of Lomas de Zamora, Martín Insaurralde, Sergio Massa's apprentice, jumped the fence and aligned himself with Máximo.
The current rotating holders of the Buenos Aires PJ, Gustavo Menéndez, from Merlo, and Fernando Gray, from Esteban Echeverría, are still in the trenches
although hiding a white cloth
.
It is difficult for them to be warriors.
Gray started at the UCeDe in Maipú and settled down as Chiche Duhalde's private secretary.
He did not stop until the regional throne.
The President, in the plain as of 2009, believed it appropriate to get out of ostracism a rapprochement with Máximo.
He had the help of camper Juan Cabandié.
Current Minister of the Environment.
Reconciliation had a price.
Alberto adapted his way of thinking.
Like so many times.
He always pondered that the boys of La Cámpora - among them Cristina's son - had a
distorted vision of the history of the 70s
.
Told, in a sweetened tone, by Néstor and Cristina.
Alberto summed up that time as a complete tragedy.
Crowned by the dictatorship.
President Alberto Fernández, Santiago Cafiero, Sergio Massa and Máximo Kirchner together with the deputies of the Frente de Todos, on Wednesday in Olivos.
Photo: Presidency
After getting close to Máximo and beginning to retrace his distance from Cristina, his perspective changed.
"They're good kids," he used to repeat when he was questioned about La Cámpora.
"In certain things they are wrong," he clarified.
Pure memory.
Alberto now paves the way for that organization even if it means mortgaging his own future in power.
The leaders of the group observe him as a transitional president.
The Cámpora is the political organization that developed the most in Argentina in the last decade.
Undisputed merit of Cristina who learned a formula from Nestor:
combine territorial deployment with fund management
.
There is no politics without money, advised the former president.
However, it still exhibits an obvious deficit: it lacks great names and important seats.
Kicillof can be cited.
But the governor is unconditional on the vice president.
Not from La Cámpora.
They do not control any province.
Just four municipalities where only Mayra Mendoza stands out, in Quilmes.
They have an interesting batch of deputies (14) and senators (7).
That weakness seems to have forced Máximo's steepening.
"He gathers all the virtues to preside over the PJ of Buenos Aires," Alberto pontificated.
The impression was always left that the Kirchner son turned to politics earlier
by bearing his surname than by full vocation
.
Also for objective needs after the death of his father.
It usually has different tunes in private and in public.
In reserved meetings he shows himself as a conciliator.
He says things that his interlocutors want to hear to assuage the fear that his last name arouses.
Especially among businessmen.
On the other hand, from a lectern or his bench, he loves to show off combative.
Rough.
He has been able to cultivate skill in the use of his disappearances or long silences.
Which are recurring.
It fuels countless interpretations.
The reason for that behavior, perhaps, would be linear.
Many times he does not speak because he does not have much to say.
It is still a smart gesture.
But the power plants of Argentine politics never stop.
Behind every bump, according to that look, there would be a refined strategy.
I hope a disappointment does not happen as it happened in sections of our history.
At the end of the dictatorship, Roberto Viola was invented as "the general of silences."
A subtle engineer of politics.
When he abandoned that position, the myth collapsed.
The combative version of Máximo reappeared in Diputados.
It was when the new pension adjustment bill was approved.
Perhaps, a curtain to hide his discomfort
that led him to go down to the venue just in the closing speech.
He was in his office before.
Such discomfort could have been based on various reasons.
He lacked arguments to explain that for all of 2020, $ 98 billion
that corresponded to retirement assets was blocked
.
Also, that during the past year the increases provided by the presidential decrees
represented, on average, almost half
of what they would have meant with the controversial formula approved in 2017 by Mauricio Macri.
In any case, comparisons between one and the other always contain a falsehood.
The discussion that the ruling class never tackles - due to political smallness - lies in the need to reformulate a pension system that has been bankrupt for decades.
Aggravated by many distortions that Kirchnerism accumulated in its time.
Perhaps another discomfort of Máximo responded to the existence of two simultaneous episodes.
Revealers of the privileges of the ruling class - in the midst of a general misery - always protected by the State.
On the same day as the approval of the adjustment to retirees, the substitute judge Ezequiel Pérez Nami, gave rise to a claim by Cristina against the State for the collection of two pensions.
That of her ex-husband as president.
Hers for the same exercise for eight years.
You have to add the salary that she receives as vice president.
The resolution includes the collection of a retroactive and exemption from income tax.
Máximo Kirchner at the event organized by La Corriente Peronista 13 de Abril in Florencio Varela.
These are stark sums ($ 2 million per month and a retroactive close to $ 100 million) that, for many experts, is adjusted to the law.
The discussion would not go through that plane.
Instead
, it questions the ethical and moral condition of a political leader whose harangues always point to the alleged concern for those who have the least.
Expoliated, according to her, by the powerful.
Máximo also brandished that flag in Congress.
Almost did not refer to the retirement adjustment project.
He preferred to attack the opposition to which he related to those powerful.
As if he were deprived
.
A counterpower, which is not.
He expressed annoyance because Cambiemos recalled the savagery of December 2017. When thousands of Kirchnerist and leftist protesters unleashed a pitched battle to try to prevent the approval of the retirement formula with which the macrismo also masked an adjustment.
According to Máximo's account, the problem would not have been provocation.
Not the tons of stones thrown.
He spoke of the police repression and exhibited rubber bullets.
That scene of violence
was coordinated between the disputed K and the protesters
.
One of the links was Andrés Larroque, a friend of Máximo, current minister of Kicillof.
The left-wing militant Sebastián Romero, who fired a mortar in the Plaza Congreso, remains an unfortunate memory.
He was a fugitive in Uruguay for two years.
It was found by chance after the assumption of Alberto.
He is processed and with house arrest.
Máximo, outside Congress, had another success.
He managed to get the President to withdraw from the commitment with the governors to suspend the PASO this year.
With the pandemic as an excuse.
The Cámpora wants internal competition to
mitigate the influence of the Buenos Aires mayors
.
It will be necessary to see what happens with the offensive of these to annul the limit to the re-elections.
A priori, it does not seem like a good deal for camping.
The President makes internal concessions his way of governing.
Even if that practice weakens you.
He also takes on one of Cristina's favorite stories.
He blamed the media that are not docile to the government for fostering division and discouragement amid the pandemic.
It was stinging.
He stated that many journalists who, according to him, sow hatred should turn to a psychiatrist.
You may be right.
Why not?
It may also be a simple self-diagnosis.
