Ignacio Zuleta
01/31/2021 18:48
Clarín.com
Politics
Updated 01/31/2021 6:48 PM
Bolsonaro and Alberto, with a fallen chinstrap
Jair Bolsonaro
wants more than a photo and a fallen chinstrap hug with
Alberto Fernández
.
He wants to come to Argentina and visit its national sanctuaries.
"I want to know La Ñata"
, he asked
Daniel Scioli
on Friday
.
The Argentine ambassador was that day in the Planalto palace in a meeting with former Admiral Flavio Viana Rocha, Bolsonaro's Secretary for Strategic Affairs, in the office that Bolsonaro has next to that of its president.
The place was a furnace of conspiracies, because accessions to the ruling party were being negotiated, which will reflect the new authorities of the Brazilian Congress that are elected this Monday.
There was a festive atmosphere and Scioli was dazzled when witnessing a
chapter that may be historical
.
Something you are used to here, but not in other countries.
"Let's greet him," Viana invited him, who, Scioli later learned, had given Bolsonaro even minimalist details about his dinner at La Ñata, and had confessed his amazement when touring the personal museum that gathers
sports and political memorabilia
of the last 30 years of life of the former vice president.
Going through it is a portrait of those years, and of the owner of the house, whose rule is not to disfigure or adapt the images that hang on the walls according to the occasion.
All the characters of all the governments
that have been photographed with him
are portrayed there
.
Times and governments may change, but the museum is not touched.
No protagonist of today's politics, neither in Argentina nor in Brazil, can show such a large number of testimonies, photos, documents, boats, large screens, artifacts for personal use, gifts and even a scalextric track in good use for whoever wants get distracted for a while.
This enclosure of the
"Planet Scioli"
and its previous headquarters in Abasto, has been the
seat of a thousand conspiracies
.
Bolsonaro must want to undergo an initiation rite, like the one that the Kirchners went through, among many others, the day they got to know the Sciolist sanctuary of El Abasto and understood why he had led them to the presidency.
Another effect of Trump's fall
Jair and Alberto are moving towards the new geopolitics, with the commitment - which the two governments admit tenuously so as not to take the floor too much in public - to meet
on March 26 in Puerto Iguazú
.
On that day, the Mercosur countries will celebrate the 30th anniversary of the signing of the Asunción treaty, which created the integration system that the two governments are beginning to accept as a useful mechanism.
The third-party administrations have favored this understanding, which was born as a political agreement against the military coups, which
Raúl Alfonsín and José Sarney agreed upon
.
They never believed that it was much more, but over the years it became a protection zone for businesses, which has followed their hazardous fate.
The more open-minded administrations have believed less in Mercosur, and bowed to the criticism of third countries against these protectionist safeguards.
Bolsonaro and Lacalle Pou represent today the anti-integrationist understanding
, sympathetic to what was the Macri administration, which was tempted with invitations to join other leagues of nations.
Alberto and Bolsonaro, called to fight, now seem condemned to Mercosur.
The political turns in countries such as the United States, which produce a domino effect in relations with Europe and China, act as factors of this renaissance.
To prevent the post-Trump multilateralist wave, which is coming with
Joe Biden
, a strong Mercosur seems more beneficial.
This explains why the two agree to get together, and end a year of mutual harassment.
Also on the avenue del medio
Celestino of understanding has been, among others, Scioli, who prides himself on having convinced Brasilia that
Alberto is not Cristina
, but that he is
more similar to Massa
.
Also of having persuaded Buenos Aires that Bolsonaro will have no problems finishing his term.
Alberto based his aggressiveness towards Bolsonaro on the presumption that the crisis in Brazil would bring down that presidency.
That is why he hit the doomsayers of that country, who had also been
Bolsonaro's criminal victims
, like Lula and Dilma.
Now he realizes that he must go entrusted to Puerto Iguazú, and replicate those photos from 1990 that gathered, at the birth of Mercosur,
Carlos Menem, Fernando Collor de Mello, Andrés Rodríguez and Luis Alberto Lacalle
.
The Argentine ambassador to Brazil, Daniel Scioli, with Eduardo Bolsonaro, one of the sons of the president of that country.
This Sunday Scioli opened the dining room of the residence in Brasilia, and had lunch with Eduardo, the third son of Jair Bolsonaro, who is a national deputy for São Paulo, and has been a tool of the agreements to assure his father and president, a relationship more comfortable with your country's legislature.
Bolsonaro made a release of funds in recent weeks, to assure the "centrão" - an understanding of center parties,
something like the Brazilian middle avenue
- control of the two chambers.
In return, that they bury the impeachment requests - more than 60 presented by adversaries of all kinds, who aspire to fire the same mechanism with which
Dilma Rousseff
was worn before
-.
The goal is, of course, to achieve re-election in 2022.
Congress reopens with debate on vaccines and Formosa
The reopening of Congress enables rearrangements with a
direct pre-electoral function
.
The headquarters of the intersections between the ruling party and the opposition will be this Wednesday the information meeting called by the Health Commission of Deputies for
Ginés González García
to submit to an examination of all the blocks.
The issue is the vaccination epic that the Government trusts to change its destiny.
All the benches are noted, but they have dedicated hours to sharpen the pencil to measure the format of their interventions in what will be the great stage at the beginning of the year.
The Government arrives charged by the harassment due to the management of
Gildo Insfrán
in Formosa, which is kicked with the values that the opposition supports.
He has the same effect as
Carlos Juárez in 2003
:
Néstor Kirchner
greeted him before the elections of that year as a model of political conduct.
As soon as he took office, he intervened and opened a new political era in Santiago del Estero - a stronghold of Peronism.
Gustavo Béliz
was in that 2003 cabinet
with more power than at present, he was Minister of Justice and sent people from his team to govern Santiago.
Will Béliz remain silent now before this mess with Insfrán?
It is true that the Formoseño is one of the two political authorities of the national PJ, president of the party Congress –José Luis Gioja is one of the National Council.
Also that it expresses a Peronism broader than the Cristinista, with which the opposition identifies it.
But in 2019
Insfrán joined the shortlist club
;
he separated the local elections, thereby ignoring the national formula that supported Cristina, Alberto's vice president.
Skillful, he established
solid relationships with Rogelio Frigerio
during the previous government, in exchange for support for voting in Congress on laws of mutual convenience.
Macri may be angry now, but those ties benefited him in the first tranche of his government.
The understanding with the Peronism of other provinces links it with the other Peronism, that of the interior, which continues to take the ruling trio.
It is understandable that you find in them a block for your defense.
Also that someone wants to charge you the bill for the lack of faith that justified the short list in 2019.
You have to take care of some Peronism
In opposition to Together for Change they regulate engines.
There is a Peronism that is in the sights of that formation, which has already gone through the purgatory of relations with Massa, who left with another and left their credit card exploited.
It was explained this weekend by
Horacio Rodríguez Larreta
at the Costa Galana hotel in Mar del Plata to
Maxi Abad
, who will play in March the conduction of the UCR of Buenos Aires with
Gustavo Posse
.
Words more, words less: as a candidate for president I cannot fight with so many.
In the Capital I have Lousteau and Yacobitti, who play with Posse.
And among our people I cannot allow criticism of Peronism that closes the future for us.
If we come to govern from 2023,
we are going to need a sector of Peronism
with whom we cannot fight in the campaign section.
A well-known scenario but that leaves puzzles unanswered: in the middle of this 2021 and 2023 is the campaign.
Who is going to lead that Peronism to some understanding with Together for Change?
Some hope that radicalism will formulate a platform that will rise above these contradictions.
The sector that expresses the legislative blocs and the party's
think tanks
is now moving behind the drafting of a document that takes several months of study and writing.
It will be released this month with the backing of the so -
called Group Olimpia, which make
up the format of a charming
,
Mario Negri, Luis Naidenoff, Ernesto Sanz, Lilia Puig
, the great guru
Jesus Rodriguez, Adolfo Stubrin, Karina Banfi, Facundo Suarez Lastra, Fabio Quetglas, Walter Cevallos
and among many others, the Abbot himself.
That group, it is presumed, supports their chance in the radical intern of Buenos Aires.
Larreta and the difficulties of not being Macri
Larreta adds other singularities: he is the ruler of the country's stained glass district, for a party that has been a quarter of a century without being overshadowed by anyone, who appointed a President of the Nation and has him as successor.
He built everything being the
ruler of a territory with money
, and whom he represents with an identification like the one few have in his district.
That character encloses him in a neighborhood space, but his fight is national.
The national construction of Cambiemos has been in the hands of its radicalism and coalition partners, who put the water to sail as a magical candidate,
Mauricio Macri
.
Larreta has to reconstruct those factors.
The radicals believe they are in a time to put someone of their own in the presidential formula, and
that is not the woman on that ticket
.
Nor is Larreta Macri, who spent years becoming, from a village mayor, a national figure.
It also came from a negative public estimate that it managed to reverse.
Larreta, on the other hand, comes from a more than positive estimate, which he must defend in inclement times.
In order to advance in the provinces, it probes relations with regional leaders who, on paper, are called upon to fight each other.
There are clear examples: he put two pro-abortion senators in the last election -Lousteau and Tagliaferri- but now he
wants to bring together a "celestial" muse
, like the animator
Amalia Granata
.
He received it on Wednesday at his offices in Uspallata, led by
Álvaro González from
Santa Fe
.
Santa Fe is a district where personalities that do not come from politics -Reutemann, Del Sel- have flourished and in which the proximity of the host of "Polino Authentic" can be a contribution.
"They hit a wave," muttered a witness.
In Neuquén he sent a delegate -Eduardo Macchiavelli, national secretary of the Pro- to test Jorge Sobisch, and the week before Diego Santilli traveled to Corrientes to screw relations with Gustavo Valdés, who this year is going for reelection as governor.
The PRO takes care of Pichetto
Other gestures come out from the PRO, such as support for Pichetto's "republican" Peronism.
Macri himself privileged it on Friday with the first meeting upon his return from La Angostura.
This week that meeting can be repeated if Macri agrees to go and eat
a barbecue at Pichetto's house in Vicente López
.
Diego Santilli
was there on Saturday
for a modest conciliation coffee.
The Buenos Aires deputy chief has a candidacy project underway in Buenos Aires in 2023, a territory where Pichetto works to build an electoral society.
In this painting, some of Pichetto's appearances in CABA also gain new light.
Not as Larreta's visitor to the Uspallata offices, where he took Jorge Yoma -who has established a style, with his casual outfit of a cap with a reverse visor-.
Now Pichetto paid a visit to Villas 20 and Rodrígo Bueno, which had different music for this critic of Bergoglian poverty.
He toured the urbanization undertakings of the Buenos Aires administration, accompanied by the Minister of Human Development María Migliore.
This official is responsible for
relations with the social organizations
coordinated by
Juan Grabois
, which are as good as those that this leader has maintained with the previous administrations of Carolina Stanley and Guadalupe Tagliaferri.
That work resulted in the great social laws of the Macri era - the Popular Economy of 2016 and the Villas Law of 2018-.
The counterpart was
peace in the streets of CABA
during the years of Macri's presidency.
Relations continue with Larreta, whom Grabois puts above his partners: “Because he is not - the head of the CTEP has said - a horrible mediocre like Macri.
It is democratic and quite pragmatic.
Has some social sensitivity.
He is a rival, but not an enemy ”.
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Pichetto has been a critic of those understandings, although he voted them as a senator of federal Peronism.
On Thursday's visit, he recognized the work of the Buenos Aires government in terms of housing development and construction.
Migliore has clerical extraction, has been a disciple of the Jesuit priest Rodrigo Zarazaga at the CIAS (Center for Research and Social Action, the school of leaders of the Society of Jesus), and keeps a
close observance of Pope Francis
.
Pichetto does not give in in his criticism of the poor agenda, but he acknowledged much of the Peronism that does not dare to say his name, that Larreta exercises in the City, and that builds those dangerous friendships that Macri fears.
This prevention expresses the need not to irritate the most anti-Peronist wing of the coalition, which is its stronghold in the most populated districts of Argentina.
In all of them he nails his identification Together for Change with the name of Macri, who won in the presidential category in 2015 in six of the seven largest districts, and in 2019 in five of them (except Buenos Aires and Tucumán).
It is the holy grail that they must preserve, to continue to have a competitive chance against a united Peronism that, for now,
does not show any presumption of divisions
.
Larreta's movements have the caution of a leader who is obliged, like everyone else around the world at this time, to build his project under the fire of an all-out war, such as that of the virus.
Societies are very severe with rulers in times of war;
It happened to
Winston Churchill
, who lost the election in 1945 when he was doing better in the war against Hitler, whom he defeated.
The English sent him home, as the Americans now executed
Donald Trump
in his prime, and the Italians also brought down Giuseppe Conte, who resigned.
Pedro Sánchez, Spanish premier, this week saved his government thanks to a legislative pact of his alliance -Socialismo plus chavismo de Podemos- with the extreme right of Vox, so that they would not overturn the decree of use of European anti-Covid funds.
If he lost, his government could fall.
There are other Peronisms in the race
To use other words, the Peronism that lives with difficulties with
Roberto Lavagna
set a date for a summit to launch the two-party agreement, that of the Third Position of
Graciela Camaño
and the Federal of
Juan Manuel Urtubey
.
These two met on Saturday and base their project on growing a Peronism far from Christianity on ideas and renewing generational casts.
Also that he distance himself from the movements Lavagna makes to regulate his relations with the ruling party.
Camano has a mandate until 2023, but will present candidates in Buenos Aires.
He hopes to drag out other districts.
Urtubey is concentrating for now on a business postgraduate degree at the Carlos III ° University of Madrid,
as if studying to govern
.
He did not think it necessary before and he was governor of his Salta province three times.
So it must be understood that he is noted again as a candidate for president.
The summit will be on February 19.