The two do not need intermediaries to exchange information and opinions • Why did Bennett announce that he was not sitting under a torch?
• And also: the winning card of Orly Levy in the Likud campaign
Do not need brokers to exchange information and opinions.
Torch and storm
Photo:
Elad Gutman, Oren Ben Hakon
After the announcement of Naftali Bennett this week he would not be in the government headed by Yair Lapid, it seems no chance of chairman has a future form the next government. Haredim will not come, neither religious Zionism. Now Bennett.
But the torch has another card that might bring him To the top of his ambitions on Balfour Street in Jerusalem - not to the side of the protesters, to the side of the tenants. The Joker is none other than Gideon Saar. .
one more brittle parties competing in these elections is the party of new hope assault. depth analysis of the various parties conducted surveys indicate that 70% of them can easily switch to support Yair Lapid at the last minute. This is a significant voices Anti-ntniho not support any party that may be suspected of including such To cooperate with the Prime Minister after the election.
To date, all party leaders running against Netanyahu have tended to go head-to-head against him, in order to concentrate most of the camp's votes, finish close to the Likud's number of seats, from above or below, and automatically become prime ministerial candidates.
So Bnei Gantz did three election campaigns.
This is what Bozi Herzog did before him.
That's what Tzipi Livni did before them.
Currently, Lapid does not do so.
Despite the large gap between him and the Likud, the Yesh Atid campaign is not trying to attract seats, especially those now parked in new hope, and to position his position as leader of the center-left camp and his candidate for prime minister.
To many, the reason for this lies in a secret alliance, probably unwritten or documented, between him and Saar.
The parties deny, and explain what appears to be cooperation as a combination of political interests and not a deliberate move from above, however others believe that the relationship between the two is devoutly calculated and from what the electorate of both know.
The same people talk about exchanging messages on WhatsApp between them almost on a daily basis, and that the two do not need mediation or consultants to pass information between them, since the connection between them is direct and close.
Lapid does not try to attack Saar or deprive him of seats, simply because Saar serves his purpose.
Lapid is aware of the glass ceiling that has been blocking him since he entered the political system.
His character deters many.
Not only his opponents, but also his (formerly) partners Benny Gantz, Boogie Ya'alon and others, warned of this fact in real time.
Netanyahu campaigned against Lapid when he was Gantz's No. 2, with the understanding that his prominence would keep voters away from the white brush.
The way to break it goes through the collaboration with Saar.
Torch will bring his.
Saar will bring those who dislike Lapid, and after the election they will unite together.
It is not yet clear which of them will be the first prime minister, but Lapid has already hinted at this collaboration when he said that if Saar becomes the head of the largest party among them, he will get the premiere.
As mentioned, both a bad future and a new hope denied things.
A wink to base
Naftali Bennett did not think about causing damage to Lapid or the good of Gideon Saar following his announcement, but about rescuing himself from the accusations of the Likud campaign that he would sit in the government under Lapid after the election.
Bennett's right base.
Sitting under a torch, despite Netanyahu's personal aversion, is crossing a red line for them.
But it seems that more than he was bothered by the Likud campaign, he was more bothered by the religious Zionism campaign, which basically said exactly the same thing.
Bennett is still recovering from the trauma of the new right, when he saw with his own eyes the broken and shattered party he left behind, he rose from the rubble in the moment of truth, crossed the blocking percentage and collapsed beneath it.
Even now, in the new way he has set out, he sees the people of the crocheted kippahs as an important base that he must keep with him.
The Religious Zionist Party's campaign for its cooperation with Lapid after the election hit him even harder than the Likud's campaign, until this week with the first and unequivocal public renunciation of the matter.
The (secret) secret
prime minister must have breathed a sigh of relief after receiving the decision of the judges of the Jerusalem District Court to postpone the stage of evidence in his post-election trial.
But his joy was short-lived.
On Wednesday, he held a press conference with the Minister of Health and the Minister of Internal Security on Purim issues, and revealed to everyone the serious disruption that occurred to the Likud campaign.
Not only was the trial postponed after the election, but also the opening of the entire economy and a return to routine.
A critical component of a campaign.
The prime minister's ability to create a narrative of victory over the corona, and the first country in the world to do so, will be impaired when parts of the economy remain closed, and when restrictions in the background hover over Passover or another closure after the election.
This of course does not prevent him from trying.
In the last line of the election, Netanyahu will push with all his might the message that the story of the Corona is an Israeli success story, no less.
It may not bring him to the 40 seats he has planned, but it may lead him to the long-awaited 61 of the right-wing bloc for victory.
Including Bennett.
Meanwhile, Netanyahu returned the "loyalty document" and signed the leaders of the ultra-Orthodox parties and religious Zionism in support of him.
Those with a keen eye have noticed that the current trust document is very different from the previous trust documents they signed.
"We, the leaders of the Knesset parties below," Deri, Gafni and Litzman wrote, "undertake to form a joint government together in order to realize a special opportunity to form a right-wing government.
A vote for any other party will result in a left-wing government led by Lapid.
We call on the public to vote for us and not to miss a one-time opportunity to form a full right-wing government. "
The ultra-Orthodox parties' support for Netanyahu is known. Less than intended to serve Netanyahu, to serve them themselves, and to prevent them from leaking to the Likud, if they do not. , Then, new garlic.
Netanyahu's support for the establishment of a natural government is clear.
What will happen if Netanyahu does not have 61 seats after the election?
The letter does not give a clear answer to the question.
The Likud was quick to announce that this was a divorce by the ultra-Orthodox to Gideon Saar and in fact his disqualification by them.
Not sure this is the correct interpretation.
In previous trust letters, there was a clear commitment not to support any candidate other than Netanyahu.
It was this attachment that led to three consecutive election campaigns.
Haredi parties have made it clear that all those letters coalition negotiations will be conducted only by the Likud. These words are absent from the current mutual letter.
Resistance was great armor Orly Loi-abksis Likud party's Knesset list, but Netanyahu was determined to reward those who thwart her own left-leaning government establishment On the joint list, which led Netanyahu to form a government that was not a dream government, but gave it governmental continuity, at no point did Netanyahu commit to appointing her a minister in the government or reserving her a place in the Likud as a condition of her support, but gratitude motivated him to do so.
In many ways, Orly Levy-Abacis returns home, to the values she received at her father's house.
You may like it or not, but the Levy family is a social symbol rooted in the Likud.
Levy brought with her more than two seats in the first round of elections, and those are the voters she now intends to return to the Likud.
Aware of this, Netanyahu did not address various pressures from such and other stakeholders and made the right decision to arm it in the Likud, which proves that he also recognizes its capabilities and social action.
A step builds trust
The government's decision to compensate the families of Yemeni hostages is a historic and important decision.
However, this move cannot be complete without further steps to make it clear that this is a real step and not a continuation of the usual long-term rendering.
Today it is already clear that these are not registration errors or mistakes of a young country in its infancy.
These are deliberate, institutionalized and systematic kidnappings.
Designed to disconnect the children from their parents and the tradition they brought with them from their countries of origin.
Not only children were abducted, but also many relics, Torah scrolls, prayer cycles (Tachalal) and more, were loaded on trucks upon arrival in Israel, and disappeared forever.
The intention was clear.
This is the same intention that led the then heads of state to disperse the traditional aliyah people from Arab countries in development towns and keep them away from the population centers in the city centers.
To this day, the state hides the lists in its possession, with various reasons and excuses, which may reveal the identity of the abductees and their whereabouts, and lead to the discovery of the truth that will connect them after 70 years with their real families.