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What was behind the contacts between a deputy minister from the Likud and senior PA officials? | Israel Today

2021-02-27T11:13:18.929Z


| Israel this week - a political supplement Among the Palestinians, there are those who claim that this is a tin between Netanyahu and Abu Mazen, in order to keep Marwan Barghouti out of the presidency of the PA. The one who pressed and influenced, and the one who wants to be elected. Arafat and Barghouti Photo:  IP How a wheel turns: In March 2020, PA officials worked with members of the "joint list" to recommend to President Reuven R


Among the Palestinians, there are those who claim that this is a tin between Netanyahu and Abu Mazen, in order to keep Marwan Barghouti out of the presidency of the PA.

  • The one who pressed and influenced, and the one who wants to be elected.

    Arafat and Barghouti

    Photo: 

    IP

How a wheel turns: In March 2020, PA officials worked with members of the "joint list" to recommend to President Reuven Rivlin to impose the government train on Bnei Gantz and not on Benjamin Netanyahu. Not sure Gantz even knew about it, perhaps only updated in retrospect Muhammad al - Madani, an associate of the Palestinian Authority, chairman of the Palestinian Committee for Interaction with Israeli Society, was then involved in the move.

In those days, they also spoke with officials in Meretz and the Labor Party, with the almost stated goal being to "overthrow Bibi."

Ganz then obtained 61 recommenders, but failed as is well known in his attempt to form a government.



This week, al-Madani's name made headlines again, as someone who was allegedly involved in contacts with Deputy Minister Patin Mula of the Likud.

According to the publications, the connection between the two is intended to strengthen Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's position among Israeli Arabs ahead of the Knesset elections, in about a month's time. 



The prime minister's associates have denied any involvement in the Palestinian Authority, and Finance Minister Israel Katz has made it clear that "this is not the prime minister's opinion." Deputy Prime Minister Patin Mula's denial, if it can be called a denial, was weak. He acknowledged that talks had taken place, but described them as "small fire" and refused to elaborate, adding that the mystery was heightened by Patin stating that "the joint list does not represent the Palestinian people" and that "he who understands will understand."



So here is an interpretation that may dispel the fog between Madani. It is entirely the responsibility of those who are called "inmates of the prisoner Marwan Barghouti," but other elements in the Palestinian street share it. Barghouti, as is well known, intends to face Abu Mazen this July against the Palestinian Authority presidency. Behind the contacts between the Likud and the PA - so According to them, there is a story several times larger of common interests for Abu Mazen, Netanyahu and the State of Israel.

Netanyahu prefers that Abbas (86) continue in his position and win this election.

In Israel, it is believed that with all its shortcomings, it is a convenient partner, mainly because its security mechanisms help Israel fight terrorism.

They are fighting Hamas and almost completely preventing targeted and organized attacks in the West Bank.

Terrorism today is just individual terrorism. 



Abu Mazen, for his part, is afraid of losing to Barghouti in July, in the presidential election.

Barghouti is a prisoner who is serving five life sentences for his role in terrorism in the second intifada alongside Chairman Arafat, which increased since its popularity on the Palestinian street. Is one of the few who endanger seriously the position of Abbas being able to overcome it and be appointed in his place. 



The fear shared that Abu Mazen and Netanyahu (and the security forces in Israel) since the victory in the PA election of the convicted terrorist Barghouti, has already given rise to an unusual Israeli permit for a Palestinian official close to Abu Mazen - Palestinian Minister Hussein a-Sheikh - to visit Barghouti in prison.

The visit was intended to persuade the prisoner not to run against the chairman, but that mission failed. Barghouti refused to commit to speaking. He promised, however, an answer regarding the earlier confrontation, in May, with the Palestinian Legislative Council elections. Barghouti monitors Abu Mazen for preventing, he said, The release of him in the Shalit deal (Abu Mazen denies it) The 



election in Jerusalem as a symbol of



everything, according to Barghouti's associates, Netanyahu promised not to allow him to run from prison and to pile difficulties on this intention, as much as he could. Israel, through al-Madani officials, does not support the joint list and may not participate in the elections at all, thus helping Netanyahu politically.



Does such a deal make any sense? Mizrahi Yoni Ben Menachem, a senior researcher at the Jerusalem Center for Public and State Affairs, does not rule out such a possibility. Former Defense Minister Avigdor Lieberman imposed restrictions on al-Madani's movements at the time, who were reportedly involved in talks with Deputy Foreign Minister Mula this week. "He is a very problematic man from Israel's point of view," said Ben Menachem. , And also among the Arabs of East Jerusalem.

I am surprised that Israel does not restrict the movements of this man even today. "



Prof. Hillel Cohen, who until recently served as head of the Department of Islamic and Middle Eastern Studies at the Hebrew University, does not know the reports from this week, but notes that today Abu Mazen's influence on Israeli Arabs Zero, "so even if there is something in the reports about the connection between the Palestinian Authority and the Israeli Arabs, it will only have a marginal effect, especially on the hesitant." One way or another, according to reports this week, contacts between Mula and al-Madani did not go well. More, which was supposed to exist, will not come to fruition in the meantime.



The connection between the Palestinian Authority and Israeli Arabs and Arab-Israeli parties has a long and problematic history.

More than once, since the establishment of the Palestinian Authority, there have been attempts to intervene in Israeli elections.

Some successful, some less so. 



In the 1999 elections, the ballot was held on two ballots - one for the Knesset and the other for the Prime Minister.

Former MK Azmi Bishara, founder of the Balad party, who later fled the country on suspicion of espionage and aiding the Hezbollah organization, decided in those days to run for prime minister as well.

The Labor Party, led by Ehud Barak at the time, found a way to reach out to Palestinian Authority Chairman Yasser Arafat to remove Bishara from this tall tree and persuade him not to run - and all so as not to hurt Barak's chances of defeating Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Bishara did retire and Barak defeated Netanyahu by a majority of 56% to 44%. 



Was his bottom line different without his retirement? Probably not, but what is certain is that Arafat's involvement in the Israeli elections was blatant, and he did not deny it either (the story was published For the first time in those days by journalist Hagai Huberman).



The Palestinian Authority, along with Hamas, also blatantly interfered in the Jerusalem municipal elections.

Among other things, they threatened the Arabs of East Jerusalem in their neighborhoods and warned them not to participate in the local elections, "which constitute recognition of Israeli sovereignty in Jerusalem."

A reverse case was once recorded, when political elements offered sums of money to Mukhtar of one of the villages in East Jerusalem, after it became known that the residents of that village intended - despite the Palestinian Authority's ban - to participate in the elections.

The same parties sought to prevent their vote for Teddy Kollek when he ran against Ehud Olmert for mayor in 1993.



A call from PA



al-Madani, as mentioned, currently heads the committee in the Palestinian Authority whose role is to maintain contact with elements in Israel, also in political matters. One of the more fascinating figures who served before him in a similar position is that of Fawzi Nimer, a terrorist, of Israeli Arab origin from Acre. Nimer was married to a Jewish woman, a resident of Nahariya (who converted to Islam), and knew nothing about his activities. He was sentenced to 27 life sentences, but was released from the Israeli prison in the Jibril deal in 1985. Shortly afterwards, he moved to senior positions at the PLO headquarters in Tunisia, and after signing the Oslo Accords in 1994, he moved to the Palestinian Authority and became close to Yasser Arafat. 



During the confrontation between Benjamin Netanyahu and Shimon Peres for prime minister, Nimer showed great involvement when he was in contact with officials among Israeli Arabs.

The possibility was raised that they would not vote for the prize.

In the background of these contacts was the severe Israeli accidental attack on civilians in the Lebanese village of Qana during Operation Grapes of Wrath in April of that year.

Peres served at the time as prime minister, after Rabin's assassination, as well as defense minister. 



The prime ministerial election took place in late May, about a month after the operation.

According to the claim, Nimer's activities led to the fact that despite a high number of Arab voters for Peres, his involvement (in fact the involvement of the Palestinian Authority) affected some Israeli Arabs, who refrained from voting for the Labor candidate and in fact led to Netanyahu's narrow victory.

As is well known, these were the elections in which Netanyahu was first elected prime minister.



Of course, it is not necessary to go further until 1996. In January 2019, MK Oded Forer asked Attorney General Avichai Mandelblit to open an investigation against the joint list and the Palestinian television channel Musawa. To the joint list and to whoever heads it to this day, MK Ayman Odeh.

The latter even uploaded these videos to the web, along with an expression of gratitude to the channel. 



Towards the end of 2019, it was Abu Mazen who, on one rare occasion, in his own voice, contrary to the official policy of the Palestinian Authority declaring non-interference in the Israeli elections, expressed opposition to the formation of a government headed by Benjamin Netanyahu.

But the statement was made after the vote, before the vote count ended, when it was still unclear which of the two, Netanyahu or Ganz, is the winner.

Fatah Central Committee member Hussein a-Sheikh, who was recently sent by Abu Mazen to talk to Barghouti in prison, attacked Netanyahu in those days.

He denied allegations made by the Likud that the Palestinian Authority was interfering in the election, and described the Israeli election as an "internal Israeli matter." 

Source: israelhayom

All news articles on 2021-02-27

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