Ignacio Zuleta
03/01/2021 4:42 PM
Clarín.com
Politics
Updated 03/01/2021 17:23
Until now we only had the "symphony of feeling", a description with which Leonardo Favio wanted to put poetry to the prose of Peronism.
It is difficult for policy jackets to contribute to the rhetoric of the trade.
The most outstanding effort of these hours is the discovery they made for the presidential speech: symphonic unity.
Alberto Fernández
used it
to demand that the ruling party flee from the ghosts of division that haunt Peronism since it exists.
The more diverse we are, he came to say to the surprise of the hermeneuts, the more united we will be.
A strong bet for irrationality.
And for utopia, because a symphony requires a conductor and a score, and the Peronism of the trifecta lacks a leader who can reconcile the contradictions in the program between Olivos, massismo and the Instituto Patria.
It is a temptation - which is best avoided due to the solemnity of the occasion - not to advance hypotheses about musical genres (we will never incur in citing the unforgettable cumbion of the Wawancó and Mike Laure's reply on whether the band was drunk or not).
That symphonic vocation was not extended by Alberto outside of Peronism.
He complained about the media, the opposition, the anti-vaccine campaigns, the judges.
As if he did not like the country he was called upon to govern.
One of the keys to being successful in politics is that you like the time and place you lived.
Otherwise everything is very difficult for you, and you will want to make a revolution.
But that requires other tools that neither Alberto nor Peronism have.
Nor did he explain why the government ignored the opposition in the constitution of the Economic and Social Council, the only draft calling for consensus in his government.
Alberto Fernández arrives at Congress and greets Cristina Kirchner at the opening of ordinary sessions.
The opposition helped when Martín Guzmán asked a year ago for the emergency and indebtedness laws and they have spent the year demanding that they be called.
Everything can be explained in this intervention to regulation before Congress, without much desire to surprise anyone with an offer of low intensity pyrotechnics.
The speech of a politician is:
1) a counter-speech, that is, a verbal act that seeks to contradict the opponents and they are a response to a previous speech.
This angle, provided by modern semiotics, would be enough to repeal the norm that obliges presidents to give speeches like today's.
This constitutional obligation is an antique that expresses a world that no longer exists, in which speeches and reports fulfilled another function.
2) an appeal to the followers.
No one can seriously believe that a political speech will convince an adversary.
The function, in any case, is to seize unity, confirm slogans, rivet what unites them, and close any possibility of dissent that, as Peronism fears, reopens divisions.
He summarized it in condemnation of "indebtedness, deregulation or openings" - a synthesis of the macrista agenda.
Nor is it easy to take off the rhetoric of the claims of the one who utters them in formal speeches.
Why would one take that speech more seriously than the president himself?
It would be an exaggerated effort when Alberto insists on confirming the prejudices that threaten him and diminish his opinion.
It is difficult for him to detach himself from
the legend that he is Cristina's straw man,
and that she demands a judicial agenda from him that dissipates the threats that compromise her and former officials of her administration.
He dedicated almost as much space to Justice as to the plague.
Following the President's speech, a call for a cacerolazo was circulated.
The misfortune of every politician is that they judge him not by what he does but by what he is, which is what others think he is.
In this, the speech also confirmed the prejudices, which until now put Alberto in the lowest marks of his performance in the polls.
The core of the plot were two topics that he has spent in a year in office:
the criticism of the government from 2015-2019
and the disqualifying attack on justice.
They are resources of weakness and not of strength.
And weakness always pushes us to take maximalist positions, such as personalizing in the prosecutor Carlos Stornelli and the judge of the Court Elena Highton all the misfortunes of Argentina - inherited or not - whose solution is their work.
He threatened to create parallel courts to skim the Court, modifications of the Council of the Magistracy, whose format is a product of Peronism, and with lawsuits against the previous government for indebtedness.
An image of the Congress during the opening of the ordinary sessions.
The rhetoric is treacherous, as when he described judges Bruglia and Bertuzzi as "unknown",
a betrayal of the subconscious because he dedicated the
juiciest
segment of his speech to him.
His passion for neighborhood legends made him repeat what he attributes to Donald Trump for having forced the IMF to give the loan to Argentina to save Macri from an electoral defeat.
That presumption was always absurd, which supposes a naivety that does not exist at certain heights.
Neither Macri nor the IMF, nor Peronism, could ever believe that a loan would decide an election.
The president of the IDB, to whom this hoax is attributed, rather lamented those credits in these terms: "We are pushing the largest program in the history of the Monetary Fund for Argentina. That the program has been mismanaged, that It has not been executed well by Argentina, and it has cost them an election is a question (...) We promoted the program, the greatest resistance in the history of the International Monetary Fund to help Argentina in its moment of crisis it was the Europeans who were fighting against us because they did not want to help Argentina because they were not interested in the western hemisphere "(textuals by Mauricio Claver).
With these papers Alberto promises to take Macri to justice.
What he said nothing about is whether he will do something to get Cristina out there.
Look also
The opposition criticized Alberto Fernández for the opening speech of the ordinary sessions
A matter of gestures: the signals of Alberto Fernández and Cristina Kirchner at the opening of ordinary sessions 2021
